This study analyzed President Gerald Ford's efforts in selling his energy package in February, 1975. Six major speeches and news conferences were examined in terms of Richard Weaver's rhetorical theory. Five criteria of this theory were studied: appeals to man's good values, choice of argumentation, use of "god" and "devil" words, adaptation to the historical setting of the speech, and ethical character of the speaker. This analysis concluded that Ford was a good Weaverian rhetorician because he appealed to good values in language well adapted to each audience, adapted well to historical settings, and elevated his ethos considerably. However, Ford sold himself but not his program because he relied too heavily on his own ethos and circumstantial argumentation and slighted refutation arguments

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T17:23:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Inacio.pdf: 413880 bytes, checksum: 21b2e04c88fb17ac9e91be6a1af367b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-22 / Currently the country is facing serious crisis in the electric power sector and energy deficit is no longer a future threat, but a problem today that urgently needs to find solutions for the short, medium and long term. Solutions should be taken with urgency, and here it is noteworthy that the crisis that we now live in the electricity sector is directly related with the lack of planning in the years that have passed. The solutions for the short and medium term, with the exception of energy conservation, are emergency solutions and are more costly to society. And the long-term solutions depend on the direction the government will give the sector. A viable alternative to eliminate the risk of blackout are the increase in investments in generation by power plants programs because their projects are relatively quick to implementation and operation. But can these projects require environmental damage that will undoubtedly need to be studied, from the perspective of environmental law, analyzed and monitored to not sacrifice the environment we live in exchange for the purpose of achieving development. Making up concomitantly required, the monitoring and assessment of legal issues related to these projects, hence proposals that aim to achieve sustainability then be made. / Atualmente o país enfrenta grave crise no setor de energia elétrica e o déficit de energia não é mais uma ameaça do futuro, e sim um problema da atualidade que precisa urgentemente da busca de soluções de curto, médio e longo prazos. Soluções devem ser tomadas com máxima urgência, e aqui vale ressaltar que a crise que vivemos hoje no setor de energia elétrica decorre da falta de planejamento nos anos que se passaram. As soluções de curto e médio prazo, à exceção da conservação de energia, são soluções emergenciais e como tal custam mais caro para a sociedade. E as soluções de longo prazo dependem dos rumos que o Governo dará ao setor. A alternativa viável para não corrermos o risco em ficar sem energia elétrica são os investimentos em programas de aumento em geração através de usinas termoelétricas, pois seus projetos são relativamente rápidos para implantação e operação. Mas consigo estes projetos demandam prejuízos ambientais que indubitavelmente precisam, sob a ótica do direito ambiental, ser estudados, analisados e acompanhados para não sacrificarmos o ambiente em que vivemos em troca do objetivo de se alcançar o desenvolvimento. Fazendo-se concomitantemente necessário o levantamento e avaliação dos aspectos legais relacionados a estes projetos, para daí então ser efetuado propostas que objetivem alcançar a sustentabilidade.

美國擁有豐富的石油儲量，目前已探明的石油儲量即達到 485 億桶，居世界 第 9 位；同時也於 2014 年追過沙烏地阿拉伯，以平均每日 1164 萬桶的產量成為 世界上最大石油生產國。但另一方面，美國每日的石油消耗量，更大於歐洲及歐 亞大陸內 29 個國家的每日消耗量的總合，成為世界上最大的石油消費國。身為 世界上最大的能源消費國及戰後世界秩序的主導者，同時歷經一、二次世界大戰 及石油危機的重大衝擊後，深知能源的穩定供應是國家安全的重要基礎，美國必 須盡全力透過外交甚至軍事手段以確保能源的安全，所以歷屆政府都以能源安全 作為國家安全及外交政策的重點。 中東是目前全球己探明石油儲量最大的地區，也是全球石油產量最大的地區， 是以美國以能源戰略為導向的外交政策（簡稱能源外交）傳統上是以中東石油為 重心，美國也將中東地區的均勢與穩定、確保石油運輸通道的安全等視為其最根 本的國家利益之一。二次世界大戰之後，美國為了擴張或鞏固其在中東地區的影 響力而投入了大量的資源進行政治、經濟及軍事的干預。而頁岩油的出現使得美 國石油自給率大幅提高，對中東地區石油的依賴也迅速下滑。 頁岩油的出現是否會讓美國改變其向中東傾斜的外交政策，進一步將其全球 戰略部署重心進行調整至快速崛起的亞洲地區，值得我們觀察與探討。本論文以 文獻研究之方式，透過分析美國對石油進口的依賴程度與其在中東發生軍事衝突 時所採用的外交政策工具之間的關聯，嘗試探討在頁岩油革命大幅提高美國能源 自給率後，是否會影響美國對中東地區事務的干預程度。 本研究發現，石油進口比例的確影響了美國在中東地區所運用的外交政策工 具。石油進口比例高時，美國面對中東的跨國軍事衝突時傾向採取強度較高的外 交政策工具；石油進口比例低時，則採取干預強度較低的外交政策工具。是以本 研究認為，在頁岩油革命使美國進一步降低對進口石油的依賴後、將使中東這個 提供美國主要石油來源的地區的重要性降低。但另一方面，中東除了提供美國重 要的石油來源，亦是全球的石油供應中心，美國對中東地區的影響力不僅關係到 美國的能源安全，亦關係到美國全球霸權的地位。 / United States has abundant oil reserves that reserves reached 485 billion barrels, ranking No. 9 in the world; and also chase in 2014 over Saudi-Arabia, to 1164 million barrels of production per day on average to become the world largest oil producer. On the other hand, the US daily oil consumption, the greater the total combined daily consumption in Europe and Eurasia in the 29 countries, the world's largest oil consumer. As the world's largest energy consumer and the postwar world order leader, after a while, after the Second World War and the significant impact of the oil crisis, we know that stable supply of energy is an important basis for the national security of the United States must do efforts through diplomatic and even military means to guarantee energy security, the successive governments have focused on energy security as national security and foreign policy. The Middle East is currently the world's largest oil reserves in the region have been proven, is the world's largest oil production area, based on the US foreign policy-oriented energy strategy (referred to energy diplomacy) is traditionally focus on Middle East oil, the United States will in the Middle East balance and stability in the region, to ensure the safety of oil transport corridor, etc. regarded as one of the most fundamental interests of their country. After World War II, the United States in order to expand or consolidate its influence in the Middle East and put a lot of resources, political, economic, and military intervention. The emergence of shale oil self-sufficiency rate of such a substantial increase in US oil dependence on Middle East oil is also declining rapidly. Shale oil occurs whether the United States will change its foreign policy towards the Middle East tilt further its global strategic center of gravity to adjust to the rapid rise of Asia, we should observe and discuss. In this paper, after the manner of literature, through the analysis of foreign policy tools related U.S. dependence on oil imports and its military conflict in the Middle East used between attempts to discuss a substantial increase in US energy self-sufficiency rate in shale oil revolution, whether the United States will affect the level of intervention in the Middle East affairs. The study found that the proportion of imported oil does affect US foreign policy tool in the Middle East by the use of. A high proportion of oil imports, the United States when faced with cross-border military conflict in the Middle East tends to take a higher intensity of a foreign policy tool; low proportion of imported oil, then take a low intensity intervention foreign policy tool. The present study is that in the US shale oil revolution to further reduce the importance of post-import dependence on oil, the Middle East, will provide the main source of US oil region is reduced. On the other hand, the Middle East and the United States in addition to providing an important source of oil, is also a center of global oil supplies, the US forces in the Middle East not only to America's energy security, but also related to the status of US global hegemony.

Esta tese traz contribuições para a formulação do problema de atendimento de necessidades por energia, relacionadas à eletricidade e combustíveis no caso brasileiro. A argumentação pela expansão crescente da oferta de energia é expressão corrente no senso comum, nas agências de notícias, nos discursos oficiais e nos vários planos apresentados à sociedade, e se apóia nas ideologias do progresso e do desenvolvimento econômico. A busca por legitimação desse processo expansivo e acelerado passa por conceitos como soberania nacional, segurança energética e pela inserção do país como protagonista econômico no cenário Latino Americano. Os empreendimentos de infraestrutura na área de energia são intensivos na utilização dos recursos naturais, provocam deslocamentos populacionais importantes e deixam consequências e registro volumoso e inequívoco de passivos sociais e ambientais na historiografia e na sociologia relacionadas à energia. Neste trabalho faz-se um retrospecto das relações entre empresas privadas, estatais e estruturas de governo nos processos de consolidação da geração, produção e distribuição de eletricidade, desde a transição do capitalismo concorrencial ao capitalismo oligopolista-financeiro que encontra, na expansão dos serviços de utilidade pública brasileiros, oportunidade econômica, desde o início do séc. XX. O retrospecto revela similaridades, ao longo do período analisado, tanto na identificação da centralização nas tomadas de decisão e formulação dos problemas relacionados à energia, quanto na relação internacional dos fluxos de capital e de produtos primários de exportação, presença das grandes empresas estrangeiras constituídas mundialmente em rede e na caracterização do repertório de vantagens comparativas que o Brasil apresenta. Há novidades contemporâneas: outra forma de legitimação aparece, a da matriz energética mais limpa, baseada na hidroeletricidade como conversão de energia limpa e renovável. As descobertas recentes de gigantescos volumes de hidrocarbonetos na camada do Pré-sal, sua provável utilização e o acúmulo dos estudos das consequências ambientais e sociais da consolidação da indústria da hidroeletricidade brasileira, no entanto, vão de encontro a essa argumentação. Utilizamos o termo fetichismo da oferta expansiva de energia, pois os processos de legitimação do discurso da necessidade energética supera o sentido ontológico e procura amparo nas estruturas sociais, tornando sua oferta crescente como algo naturalizado. Produz-se um quadro de referência sobre os problemas identificados nos processos de licenciamento ambiental em três projetos hidrelétricos (Santo Antonio, Jirau, e Belo Monte) e a partir deles são identificadas outras necessidades: a de mudanças institucionais, de leis ambientais e de proteção dos direitos de populações tradicionais e indígenas, atribuições do Ministério Público. Mudanças que aparecem para tornar célere os processos de licenciamento ambiental, particularmente os relacionados com o avanço da fronteira energética na Amazônia. As críticas e as reações ao processo expansivo, algumas oficialmente expostas nos processos de licenciamento ambiental e outras advindas dos movimentos e organizações de ameaçados, atingidos e organizações ambientalistas, são interpretadas como obstáculos. Surgem as subversões porque a formulação do problema de equacionamento da oferta é intrinsecamente expansivo e avesso a soluções fora do repertório e enredo de que o quadro futuro é expansão do quadro presente. A garantia de suprimento, sempre ameaçada pelas chamadas crises de fornecimento se torna objeto central, ora nega, ora estimula a termoeletricidade. Ora aceita, ora rejeita a moldura da legislação ambiental. O problema deixa de ser energético para ser um problema de acumulação e permanece ambiental no sentido das consequências que se ampliam. Em ambos os casos, descritos os fluxos de financiamento e comércio internacional e as mudanças institucionais em curso, se caracteriza como problema político e não necessariamente brasileiro. / This thesis reflects on the formulation of the problem of responding to the needs for energy, related to electricity and fuels in the Brazilian case. The argument for the increasing expansion of the energy supply is current expression in the common sense, in the news agencies, in the official discourse, and in the various plans presented to the society, and it rests on ideologies of progress and economic development. The search for legitimacy of this fast process of expansion encompasses concepts such as national sovereignty, energy security, as well as the increasing importance of the country as a leading economic player in the Latin America scenario. The infrastructure projects in the energy area are intensive in the use of natural resources, causing major population displacements and produce consequences and voluminous and unequivocal records of social and environmental liabilities to the historiography and sociology related to energy. This thesis presents a retrospect of the relationship between private, state and government structures in the consolidation processes of generation, production and distribution of electricity, starting on the transition from the concorrential capitalism to the financial-oligopolistic capitalism, which finds economic opportunities in the expansion of utilities in Brazil, since the beginning of the century XX. The retrospect reveals similarity to the current situation both in the identification of centralization in decision making and formulation of problems related to energy, as well as in the international relations of the flows of capital and the export of primary products, the presence of large foreign companies established worldwide in network and the characterization of the repertoire of comparative advantages that Brazil presents. There are contemporary news: another form of legitimacy appears; the cleaner sources of energy portfolio, based on the hydroelectricity as a clean and renewable form of energy conversion. The recent discoveries of huge volumes of hydrocarbons in the pre-salt layer, their likely use and the growing number of studies on environmental and social consequences of the consolidation of Brazilian hydroelectricity industry, however, go against this argument. We use the term fetishism of the expansive energy supply, because the processes of legitimacy of the discourse of energy demand exceeds the ontological sense and seeks refuge in social structures, making its permanently growing supply as something given. It produces a reference framework about the obstacle identified in the environmental licensing processes in three hydroelectric projects (Santo Antonio, Jirau and Belo Monte) and then identifies other needs: institutional changes in environmental laws and the protection of rights of traditional and indigenous populations - the roles of the Public Ministry. They appear in order to make the environmental licensing processes faster, particularly those related to the advancement of energy frontier in the Amazon. The criticisms and reactions to the expansion process, some of them officially exposed in the process of environmental licensing, and others arising from social movements and associations of the threatened, affected people and from environmental organizations, are interpreted as obstacles. The subversions arise because the formulation of the response to the energy supply is intrinsically expansive and it is contrary to solutions outside of the repertoire and plot that states the future scenario is an expansion of present scenario. The security of supply, always threatened by the so-called \"supply crises\" becomes the central object, and it sometimes denies and sometimes stimulates the thermal electricity. It sometimes accepts and sometimes rejects the framework of the environmental legislation. The problem is no longer a problem of energy, becomes a problem of accumulation, and it remains an environmental problem in the sense of the growing consequences. In both cases, described the flow of international trade and finance and the ongoing institutional changes, the problem becomes political and not necessarily Brazilian.

A importância do petróleo tem sido revisada nos últimos anos, principalmente pelo reconhecimento de sua função estratégico-militar, tanto no século XX, onde o controle sobre este recurso permitiu a ascensão de grandes potências, como em alguns dos conflitos atuais. Estes passaram a incluir a África nas disputas globais por petróleo. O contexto mundial se torna complexo com o aprofundamento da crise petrolífera mundial, em meio a crise de acumulação de capitais e hegemonia, ambas iniciadas nos anos 1970. O aumento dos conflitos regionais e a intensa competição entre as grandes potências por recursos energéticos cada vez mais escassos, passam a ser variáveis essenciais para a análise dos problemas de Segurança Internacional. Neste contexto o continente africano, responsável por 12% da produção petrolífera mundial, ganha ainda maior relevância global por ter dobrado o volume de suas reservas, que na porção subsaariana aumentou quase três vezes desde os anos 1980. As disputas por petróleo se misturam em meio a conflitos históricos ampliando-os e gerando novos ciclos de violência. Nos maiores produtores subsaarianos como Angola, Nigéria e Sudão, ampliam e criam novas disputas entre governo e províncias produtoras. No nível global, corporações estadunidenses e chinesas passam a disputar diretamente o acesso ao petróleo africano, apoiados pelos respectivos governos que intensificam sua presença regional na forma de investimentos, acordos comerciais, diplomáticos e militares, de treinamento e defesa, transferência de armas e instalação de bases militares. Assim, o petróleo se torna central, tanto para entender a atual dinâmica destes conflitos subsaarianos, no nível regional, como nas disputas por influência no subcontinente envolvendo China e Estados Unidos. / The importance of oil has been revised in the latest years, mainly due to its strategic-military function, not only in the twentieth century, when control over this resource allowed the rise of great powers, but also in current conflicts. The latest included Africa in the global disputes over oil. Global context becomes complex as the world-wide oil crisis gets deeper, during the crisis of capital accumulation and hegemony, both having started in the 1970s. The intensification of regional conflicts and intense competition among great powers over increasingly scarce energetic resources are essential variables to the analysis of International Security problems. In this context, the African continent, responsible for 12% of world oil production, becomes globally more relevant for having doubled its reserves volume. In the subsaharan portion it has almost tripled since the 1980s. Disputes over oil make historical conflicts greater and create new cycles of violence. In the greatest sub-shaharan oil producers, such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan these conflicts create new disputes between government and producing provinces. In a global level, North-American and Chinese corporations compete directly for access to African oil, supported by the respective governments that intensify their regional presence in the form of investments, commercial, diplomatic and military agreements, training and defense agreements, transference of weapons and installation of military bases. Thus, oil becomes central to understand the current dynamics of these sub-saharian conflicts in the regional level as well as the disputes for influence on the subcontinent involving China and United States of America.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Chemistry) / Supercapacitors, also known as ultracapacitors or electrochemical capacitors, are considered one of the most important subjects concerning electricity or energy storage which has proven to be problematic for South Africa. In this work, graphene oxide (GO) was supported with platinum, silver and copper nanoparticles anchored with dodecylbenzenesulphonic acid (DBSA) doped polyaniline (PANI) to form nanocomposites. Their properties were investigated with different characterization techniques. The high resolution transmission electron microscopy (HRTEM) revealed GO's nanosheets to be light, flat, transparent and appeared to be larger than 1.5 ?m in thickness. This was also confirmed by high resolution scanning electron microscopy (HRSEM) with smooth surfaces and wrinkled edges observed with the energy dispersive X-ray analysis (EDX) confirming the presence of the functional groups such as carbon and oxygen. The HRTEM analysis of decorated GO with platinum, silver and copper nanoparticles (NPs) revealed small and uniformly dispersed NPs on the surface of GO with mean particle sizes of 2.3 ± 0.2 nm, 2.6 ± 0.3 nm and 3.5 ± 0.5 nm respectively and the surface of GO showed increasing roughness as observed in HRSEM micrographs. The X-ray fluorescence microscopy (XRF) and EDX confirmed the presence of the nanoparticles on the surface of GO as platinum, silver and copper which appeared in abundance in each spectra. Anchoring the GO with DBSA doped PANI revealed that single GO sheets were embedded into the polymer latex, which caused the DBSA-PANI particles to become adsorbed on their surfaces. This process then appeared as dark regions in the HRTEM images. Morphological studies by HRSEM also supported that single GO sheets were embedded into the polymer latex as composite formation appeared aggregated and as bounded particles with smooth and toothed edges.

A importância do petróleo tem sido revisada nos últimos anos, principalmente pelo reconhecimento de sua função estratégico-militar, tanto no século XX, onde o controle sobre este recurso permitiu a ascensão de grandes potências, como em alguns dos conflitos atuais. Estes passaram a incluir a África nas disputas globais por petróleo. O contexto mundial se torna complexo com o aprofundamento da crise petrolífera mundial, em meio a crise de acumulação de capitais e hegemonia, ambas iniciadas nos anos 1970. O aumento dos conflitos regionais e a intensa competição entre as grandes potências por recursos energéticos cada vez mais escassos, passam a ser variáveis essenciais para a análise dos problemas de Segurança Internacional. Neste contexto o continente africano, responsável por 12% da produção petrolífera mundial, ganha ainda maior relevância global por ter dobrado o volume de suas reservas, que na porção subsaariana aumentou quase três vezes desde os anos 1980. As disputas por petróleo se misturam em meio a conflitos históricos ampliando-os e gerando novos ciclos de violência. Nos maiores produtores subsaarianos como Angola, Nigéria e Sudão, ampliam e criam novas disputas entre governo e províncias produtoras. No nível global, corporações estadunidenses e chinesas passam a disputar diretamente o acesso ao petróleo africano, apoiados pelos respectivos governos que intensificam sua presença regional na forma de investimentos, acordos comerciais, diplomáticos e militares, de treinamento e defesa, transferência de armas e instalação de bases militares. Assim, o petróleo se torna central, tanto para entender a atual dinâmica destes conflitos subsaarianos, no nível regional, como nas disputas por influência no subcontinente envolvendo China e Estados Unidos. / The importance of oil has been revised in the latest years, mainly due to its strategic-military function, not only in the twentieth century, when control over this resource allowed the rise of great powers, but also in current conflicts. The latest included Africa in the global disputes over oil. Global context becomes complex as the world-wide oil crisis gets deeper, during the crisis of capital accumulation and hegemony, both having started in the 1970s. The intensification of regional conflicts and intense competition among great powers over increasingly scarce energetic resources are essential variables to the analysis of International Security problems. In this context, the African continent, responsible for 12% of world oil production, becomes globally more relevant for having doubled its reserves volume. In the subsaharan portion it has almost tripled since the 1980s. Disputes over oil make historical conflicts greater and create new cycles of violence. In the greatest sub-shaharan oil producers, such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan these conflicts create new disputes between government and producing provinces. In a global level, North-American and Chinese corporations compete directly for access to African oil, supported by the respective governments that intensify their regional presence in the form of investments, commercial, diplomatic and military agreements, training and defense agreements, transference of weapons and installation of military bases. Thus, oil becomes central to understand the current dynamics of these sub-saharian conflicts in the regional level as well as the disputes for influence on the subcontinent involving China and United States of America.

A importância do petróleo tem sido revisada nos últimos anos, principalmente pelo reconhecimento de sua função estratégico-militar, tanto no século XX, onde o controle sobre este recurso permitiu a ascensão de grandes potências, como em alguns dos conflitos atuais. Estes passaram a incluir a África nas disputas globais por petróleo. O contexto mundial se torna complexo com o aprofundamento da crise petrolífera mundial, em meio a crise de acumulação de capitais e hegemonia, ambas iniciadas nos anos 1970. O aumento dos conflitos regionais e a intensa competição entre as grandes potências por recursos energéticos cada vez mais escassos, passam a ser variáveis essenciais para a análise dos problemas de Segurança Internacional. Neste contexto o continente africano, responsável por 12% da produção petrolífera mundial, ganha ainda maior relevância global por ter dobrado o volume de suas reservas, que na porção subsaariana aumentou quase três vezes desde os anos 1980. As disputas por petróleo se misturam em meio a conflitos históricos ampliando-os e gerando novos ciclos de violência. Nos maiores produtores subsaarianos como Angola, Nigéria e Sudão, ampliam e criam novas disputas entre governo e províncias produtoras. No nível global, corporações estadunidenses e chinesas passam a disputar diretamente o acesso ao petróleo africano, apoiados pelos respectivos governos que intensificam sua presença regional na forma de investimentos, acordos comerciais, diplomáticos e militares, de treinamento e defesa, transferência de armas e instalação de bases militares. Assim, o petróleo se torna central, tanto para entender a atual dinâmica destes conflitos subsaarianos, no nível regional, como nas disputas por influência no subcontinente envolvendo China e Estados Unidos. / The importance of oil has been revised in the latest years, mainly due to its strategic-military function, not only in the twentieth century, when control over this resource allowed the rise of great powers, but also in current conflicts. The latest included Africa in the global disputes over oil. Global context becomes complex as the world-wide oil crisis gets deeper, during the crisis of capital accumulation and hegemony, both having started in the 1970s. The intensification of regional conflicts and intense competition among great powers over increasingly scarce energetic resources are essential variables to the analysis of International Security problems. In this context, the African continent, responsible for 12% of world oil production, becomes globally more relevant for having doubled its reserves volume. In the subsaharan portion it has almost tripled since the 1980s. Disputes over oil make historical conflicts greater and create new cycles of violence. In the greatest sub-shaharan oil producers, such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan these conflicts create new disputes between government and producing provinces. In a global level, North-American and Chinese corporations compete directly for access to African oil, supported by the respective governments that intensify their regional presence in the form of investments, commercial, diplomatic and military agreements, training and defense agreements, transference of weapons and installation of military bases. Thus, oil becomes central to understand the current dynamics of these sub-saharian conflicts in the regional level as well as the disputes for influence on the subcontinent involving China and United States of America.

Esta tese traz contribuições para a formulação do problema de atendimento de necessidades por energia, relacionadas à eletricidade e combustíveis no caso brasileiro. A argumentação pela expansão crescente da oferta de energia é expressão corrente no senso comum, nas agências de notícias, nos discursos oficiais e nos vários planos apresentados à sociedade, e se apóia nas ideologias do progresso e do desenvolvimento econômico. A busca por legitimação desse processo expansivo e acelerado passa por conceitos como soberania nacional, segurança energética e pela inserção do país como protagonista econômico no cenário Latino Americano. Os empreendimentos de infraestrutura na área de energia são intensivos na utilização dos recursos naturais, provocam deslocamentos populacionais importantes e deixam consequências e registro volumoso e inequívoco de passivos sociais e ambientais na historiografia e na sociologia relacionadas à energia. Neste trabalho faz-se um retrospecto das relações entre empresas privadas, estatais e estruturas de governo nos processos de consolidação da geração, produção e distribuição de eletricidade, desde a transição do capitalismo concorrencial ao capitalismo oligopolista-financeiro que encontra, na expansão dos serviços de utilidade pública brasileiros, oportunidade econômica, desde o início do séc. XX. O retrospecto revela similaridades, ao longo do período analisado, tanto na identificação da centralização nas tomadas de decisão e formulação dos problemas relacionados à energia, quanto na relação internacional dos fluxos de capital e de produtos primários de exportação, presença das grandes empresas estrangeiras constituídas mundialmente em rede e na caracterização do repertório de vantagens comparativas que o Brasil apresenta. Há novidades contemporâneas: outra forma de legitimação aparece, a da matriz energética mais limpa, baseada na hidroeletricidade como conversão de energia limpa e renovável. As descobertas recentes de gigantescos volumes de hidrocarbonetos na camada do Pré-sal, sua provável utilização e o acúmulo dos estudos das consequências ambientais e sociais da consolidação da indústria da hidroeletricidade brasileira, no entanto, vão de encontro a essa argumentação. Utilizamos o termo fetichismo da oferta expansiva de energia, pois os processos de legitimação do discurso da necessidade energética supera o sentido ontológico e procura amparo nas estruturas sociais, tornando sua oferta crescente como algo naturalizado. Produz-se um quadro de referência sobre os problemas identificados nos processos de licenciamento ambiental em três projetos hidrelétricos (Santo Antonio, Jirau, e Belo Monte) e a partir deles são identificadas outras necessidades: a de mudanças institucionais, de leis ambientais e de proteção dos direitos de populações tradicionais e indígenas, atribuições do Ministério Público. Mudanças que aparecem para tornar célere os processos de licenciamento ambiental, particularmente os relacionados com o avanço da fronteira energética na Amazônia. As críticas e as reações ao processo expansivo, algumas oficialmente expostas nos processos de licenciamento ambiental e outras advindas dos movimentos e organizações de ameaçados, atingidos e organizações ambientalistas, são interpretadas como obstáculos. Surgem as subversões porque a formulação do problema de equacionamento da oferta é intrinsecamente expansivo e avesso a soluções fora do repertório e enredo de que o quadro futuro é expansão do quadro presente. A garantia de suprimento, sempre ameaçada pelas chamadas crises de fornecimento se torna objeto central, ora nega, ora estimula a termoeletricidade. Ora aceita, ora rejeita a moldura da legislação ambiental. O problema deixa de ser energético para ser um problema de acumulação e permanece ambiental no sentido das consequências que se ampliam. Em ambos os casos, descritos os fluxos de financiamento e comércio internacional e as mudanças institucionais em curso, se caracteriza como problema político e não necessariamente brasileiro. / This thesis reflects on the formulation of the problem of responding to the needs for energy, related to electricity and fuels in the Brazilian case. The argument for the increasing expansion of the energy supply is current expression in the common sense, in the news agencies, in the official discourse, and in the various plans presented to the society, and it rests on ideologies of progress and economic development. The search for legitimacy of this fast process of expansion encompasses concepts such as national sovereignty, energy security, as well as the increasing importance of the country as a leading economic player in the Latin America scenario. The infrastructure projects in the energy area are intensive in the use of natural resources, causing major population displacements and produce consequences and voluminous and unequivocal records of social and environmental liabilities to the historiography and sociology related to energy. This thesis presents a retrospect of the relationship between private, state and government structures in the consolidation processes of generation, production and distribution of electricity, starting on the transition from the concorrential capitalism to the financial-oligopolistic capitalism, which finds economic opportunities in the expansion of utilities in Brazil, since the beginning of the century XX. The retrospect reveals similarity to the current situation both in the identification of centralization in decision making and formulation of problems related to energy, as well as in the international relations of the flows of capital and the export of primary products, the presence of large foreign companies established worldwide in network and the characterization of the repertoire of comparative advantages that Brazil presents. There are contemporary news: another form of legitimacy appears; the cleaner sources of energy portfolio, based on the hydroelectricity as a clean and renewable form of energy conversion. The recent discoveries of huge volumes of hydrocarbons in the pre-salt layer, their likely use and the growing number of studies on environmental and social consequences of the consolidation of Brazilian hydroelectricity industry, however, go against this argument. We use the term fetishism of the expansive energy supply, because the processes of legitimacy of the discourse of energy demand exceeds the ontological sense and seeks refuge in social structures, making its permanently growing supply as something given. It produces a reference framework about the obstacle identified in the environmental licensing processes in three hydroelectric projects (Santo Antonio, Jirau and Belo Monte) and then identifies other needs: institutional changes in environmental laws and the protection of rights of traditional and indigenous populations - the roles of the Public Ministry. They appear in order to make the environmental licensing processes faster, particularly those related to the advancement of energy frontier in the Amazon. The criticisms and reactions to the expansion process, some of them officially exposed in the process of environmental licensing, and others arising from social movements and associations of the threatened, affected people and from environmental organizations, are interpreted as obstacles. The subversions arise because the formulation of the response to the energy supply is intrinsically expansive and it is contrary to solutions outside of the repertoire and plot that states the future scenario is an expansion of present scenario. The security of supply, always threatened by the so-called \"supply crises\" becomes the central object, and it sometimes denies and sometimes stimulates the thermal electricity. It sometimes accepts and sometimes rejects the framework of the environmental legislation. The problem is no longer a problem of energy, becomes a problem of accumulation, and it remains an environmental problem in the sense of the growing consequences. In both cases, described the flow of international trade and finance and the ongoing institutional changes, the problem becomes political and not necessarily Brazilian.

Energikrisen och klimatförändringarna har gjort införandet av förnybara energikällor avgörande för att minska koldioxidutsläppen. Husägare står för en betydande del av elkonsumtionen och att förstå deras attityder och beteende är av stor vikt för att främja implementeringen av förnybara energikällor. Studiens syfte var att få en förståelse för huruvida energikrisen har påverkat synen på förnybar energi och varför energikrisen i så fall bidragit med att påverka synen, med fokus bland villaägare i Trelleborgs kommun. Studien syftade också på att identifiera åtgärder för att kunna fortsätta främja implementeringen av förnybar energi. Metoden bestod av en fallstudie med utgångspunkt i grundad teori. Empirin samlades in genom intervjuer och sekundär data. Studiens resultat visade på att medan energikrisen lett till en någorlunda ökad positiv bild och ökat intresse i förnybara energikällor, fanns det en ökad medvetenhet gällande energikonsumtion i helhet och att villaägare sökte sätt att minska sin elförbrukning. I synnerhet syntes det att den främsta motivationen till att engagera sig i förnybar energi var av ekonomisk natur på grund av att energikrisen lett till höga elpriser, men att föreskrivna normer och okunskap spelade roll i hur man såg på förnybara energikällor. De slutsatser som drogs var att individer prioriterar ekonomisk vinning över miljön och att de kan styras av påtryckningar från samhället som kan forma okunskap och leda till förhastade beslut i förhållande till förnybar energi. För att främja antagandet av förnybara energikällor och öka positiva attityder behövs insatser som inkluderar ekonomiska incitament, informationskampanjer och utbildning. / The energy crisis and climate change have made the implementation of renewable energy sources crucial to reducing carbon dioxide emissions. Homeowners account for a significant portion of the electricity consumption, and understanding their attitudes and behavior is of great importance to promote the implementation of renewable energy sources. The purpose of the study was to gain an understanding of how the energy crisis has affected the view of renewable energy and why the energy crisis has contributed to affecting the view of renewable energy, with a focus among house owners in Trelleborg municipality. The study also aims to identify measures to further promote the implementation of renewable energy. The method consisted of a case study based on grounded theory. The data was collected through interviews and secondary data. The results of the study showed that while the energy crisis led to a somewhat increased positive image and increased interest in renewable energy sources, there was an increased awareness regarding energy consumption in general and that homeowners were looking for ways to reduce their energy consumption. In particular, it appeared that the main motivation to engage in energy measures was economic in nature due to the energy crisis leading to high electricity prices, but that injunctive norms and lack of knowledge played a role in how renewable energy sources were viewed. The conclusions that were drawn were that individuals prioritize financial gains over the environment and that they can be guided by societal pressures that can shape ignorance and lead to rushed decisions in relation to renewable energy. To promote the adoption of renewable energy sources and increase positive attitudes, efforts are needed that include financial incentives, information campaigns and education.