This analysis utilizes political discourse analysis and deixis to examine how presidential remarks at the National Prayer Breakfasts have entrenched faith in American national identity.

Political philosophers widely assume that public reason liberalism is hostile to religious contributions to liberal politics. My dissertation argues that this assumption is a mistake. Properly understood, public reason liberalism does not privilege religious or secular reasoning; a compelling conception of public reason liberalism can balance the claims of secular citizens and citizens of faith. I develop a framework that can resolve the tensions between liberalism and faith not only at a theoretical level but in the practical matters of dialogue, public policy, institutional design and constitutional law.

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Johann Gottfried Herder unwittingly contributed to the political strands of Marxism and Fascism, respectively, but also to the gently progressing secularisation of Christian values that pervades the contemporary age. While Herder conceived of God traditionally, as a transcendent Being, he also sowed the seeds for Hegels philosophy in which God is realised immanently through the development of mans full capacities for reason. Since Hegel also posits that the end is implicit in the beginning, his scheme cannot hold without the kind of necessity that comes from a Godly (transcendent) source. At the same time, Hegels philosophy of history as revealed in The Phenomenology of Spirit and Herders Another Philosophy of History contain remarkable similarities that show how Herders and Hegels quest to reconcile the earthly and the finite with the infinite and the eternal led to the secularisation of philosophy and the beginning of the modern cultural ethos. The reader should see how Herder struggled to reconcile the many competing viewpoints of his age with his awareness that these viewpoints were limited, and how Hegel subsequently attempted to address this conundrum, along with the fundamental philosophical and theological question (left unresolved by Herder) of how man can have free will under God. The reader should realise how Gods immanence in man, partially accorded by Herder, and more substantially accorded by Hegel, leads eventually to the secular perspective of modern times, with both its negative, totalitarian and extreme manifestations, and its positive, pseudo-Christian and mildly socialist outcomes.

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Johann Gottfried Herder unwittingly contributed to the political strands of Marxism and Fascism, respectively, but also to the gently progressing secularisation of Christian values that pervades the contemporary age. While Herder conceived of God traditionally, as a transcendent Being, he also sowed the seeds for Hegels philosophy in which God is realised immanently through the development of mans full capacities for reason. Since Hegel also posits that the end is implicit in the beginning, his scheme cannot hold without the kind of necessity that comes from a Godly (transcendent) source. At the same time, Hegels philosophy of history as revealed in The Phenomenology of Spirit and Herders Another Philosophy of History contain remarkable similarities that show how Herders and Hegels quest to reconcile the earthly and the finite with the infinite and the eternal led to the secularisation of philosophy and the beginning of the modern cultural ethos. The reader should see how Herder struggled to reconcile the many competing viewpoints of his age with his awareness that these viewpoints were limited, and how Hegel subsequently attempted to address this conundrum, along with the fundamental philosophical and theological question (left unresolved by Herder) of how man can have free will under God. The reader should realise how Gods immanence in man, partially accorded by Herder, and more substantially accorded by Hegel, leads eventually to the secular perspective of modern times, with both its negative, totalitarian and extreme manifestations, and its positive, pseudo-Christian and mildly socialist outcomes.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-29T16:53:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: Adicionar instituição on 2016-02-01T15:47:06Z (GMT) / Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T16:23:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-01T20:13:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T20:13:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carloseduardopintoprocopio.pdf: 4854032 bytes, checksum: 91947efb93507763b22126752a38e4aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Este trabalho pretende analisar a inserção do catolicismo carismático nas eleições de 2010 no Brasil. Diante de um cenário político e acadêmico que viu o vetor religião ganhar parte da cena política em questão, a intenção é voltar o olhar sobre as práticas políticas feitas pelas pessoas que eram parte do catolicismo carismático, um dos segmentos que contribuiu para o evidenciamento daquele vetor. Ciente de que as direções tomadas pela religião em 2010 foram extremamente controversas, procurei enfatizar o modo de organização que o catolicismo carismático desenvolveu para lidar com as eleições, criando um órgão especializado em política; como as candidaturas de membros desse segmento se fabricaram dentro de limites e possibilidades inerentes a suas inserções político-religiosas; e como uma mídia vinculada ao segmento carismático conduziu uma cobertura política em sua programação televisiva. A maneira como esses setores foram observados levou em conta a existência de uma situação multiposicional, evidenciada diante da impossibilidade de se perceber uma atitude verticalizada e uniforme no envolvimento político do catolicismo carismático. As articulações que atravessam suas ações e atitudes permitiam a visualização de algumas conexões e pontualizações provisórias, difíceis de serem generalizadas. É esse processo que tentarei demonstrar. / This thesis discusses the insertion of the Charismatic Catholicism in the Brazilian elections in 2010. Faced with a political and academic setting that saw the religion vector as part of this political scene, the intention is to focus the attention on the political practices made by people who were part of Charismatic Catholicism, one of the segments that contributed to evidence that vector. Aware that the directions taken by religion in 2010 were extremely controversial, I tryed to emphasize the organization way that the Charismatic Catholicism developed to handle the elections, creating a specialized organ in politics; how the candidacy of members of this segment are fabricated within the limits and possibilities of their political-religious inserts; and how a media linked to the charismatic segment directed a political coverage on its television broadcast. The way that these sectors were observed took into account the existence of a multiposicional situation, evidenced toward the impossibility of realizing a vertical and uniform attitude in the political involvement of the Charismatic Catholicism. The articulations that pass through their actions and attitudes allowed the visualization of some provisional connections and points, difficult to generalize. This is the process that I will attempt to demonstrate.