Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2000. Graduate Programme in History. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 374-383). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ67901.

Med utgångspunkt i skolans demokratiuppdrag och i det faktum att mycket lite forskning bedrivits om fascismdiskursen i läroböcker, har denna studie syftat till att undersöka fascismdiskursen i svenska läroböcker för ämnet spanska ur ett tidsperspektiv. Frågeställningarna som legat till grund för studien har varit: Hur konstitueras fascismdiskursen i svenska läroböcker för ämnet spanska? samt Hur har fascismdiskursen förändrats under tidsperioden 1967-2009? För att besvara dessa frågeställningar har spanskböckernas beskrivning av Francisco Franco, hans parti och regim, francotiden samt fascismen studerats genom en diskursanalys. Undersökningsmaterialet har hämtats från 22 svenska spanskböcker utgivna 1967-2009. Studiens tillvägagångssätt har varit att fastställa ekvivalenskedjor kring vissa nodalpunkter, och genom att analysera dessa identifiera mönster i beskrivningen av fascismen. Resultatet av denna analys har visat att fascismdiskursen i spanskböckerna blir alltmer negativ under tidsperioden 1967-2009, i och med att Franco och francotiden tillskrivs alltmer negativa egenskaper och en berättarröst som tar avstånd från fascismen, frankismen och diktaturen framträder allt tydligare. I beskrivningen av francotiden observeras en successiv hegemonisk intervention genom vilken en negativ diskurs får hegemoni över en positiv. Läroböckernas benämning av Franco och francotiden genomgår en drastisk förändring vid kalla krigets slut 1990 då de börjar benämnas som diktator och diktatur. Även fascismen kopplas under senare tid samman med diktaturen men beskrivs under hela tidsperioden som våldsam och i negativa ordalag.

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The thesis is based upon a belief that it is possible to obtain a clearer understanding of the causes, consequences and complexities of British Fascism through studying the process of politicization, from childhood to full Fascist political consciousness, of Mosley's Director of Publicity and Propaganda in the British Union of Fascists - Arthur Kenneth Chesterton, M.C. (1899-1973). In order to trace through the exact nature of Chesterton's road to Fascism, those events and ideas which can be seen as crucial to his ideological evolution are highlighted. These include his childhood, spent amidst the jingoistic patriotism, overt racism and covert anti-Semitism of fin de siecle South Africa; his cloistered private education in England (1911-1914); his dreadful and yet uplifting experiences of war, while still intellectually and emotionally a child; the bleak disillusionment of peace - his return to South Africa in 1919, where he was faced with the realities of Afrikaner nationalism and white trade unionism, in opposition to Chesterton's beloved British Empire, which drew Chesterton into armed conflict under most unhappy circumstances; his return to England in 1924 and immersion in the small-minded world of provincial journalism; his development of a romantic literary intellectualism which led him to the transfer of essentially metaphysical values into the realm of political analysis; and finally the impact of Fascist ideology itself, with its extreme xenophobia, cultural nationalism, mystical historicism and rabid anti-Semitism. The result is a portrait of Chesterton which explains his motivation in terms of a complex mix of personal, intellectual, and contextual forces,and thus demythologises the man, removing the easy-to-manage hate figure and replacing him with a complicated figure of tragic contradictions. A comparison of Chesterton's Fascist beliefs with those of Mosley and William Joyce reveals that each was motivated by different obsessions, suggesting that inter-war Fascism was a coalition of many strands of opinion, held loosely together by certain common assumptions.

Thesis (B.A.Hons. 1975) from the Department of History, University of Adelaide, 1974.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1930. / At head of title: Peter M. Riccio. Biographical list of contributors to La Voce: p. [201]-253. "The development of present-day Italy is due ... to the youth of the country. It is the fruit of the efforts of small groups of young men who ... carried on their campaign of activities generally through the medium of literary reviews like Il Leonardo, La Critica, Il Regno, La Voce, Lacerba, La Ronda, etc. ... In the course of this study the development of La Voce has been emphasized."-Pref.

Thesis--Cologne. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 493-519).

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Between World Wars I and II, allied forces girded themselves to quash yet another enemy bent on world conquest: fascism. In England, however, the British fascists set about to save what they saw as a dying empire. In an effort to restore Britain's greatness, British fascism held to fascist principles and doctrine to stem the flow of immigration, which fascists saw as darkening the pure British culture. While many of the British fascists strongly admired Nazi Germany's version of fascism, they were unique in that they forged their solutions from social ills that were distinctly British. British fascists were unabashedly anti-Semitic. They feared a Jewish threat to Britain's economy and culture and sought to counter it on every front. History, according to the British fascists, was rife with conspiracies which threatened the established "order of things." Unfortunately, their fears of conspiracy were so fantastic that their rationale was at times clouded and to their detriment. Foremost in the thinking of British fascists, Britain itself and all things British stood paramount to the exclusion of all else. Only an enormous resurgence of British nationalism would serve to regain Britain's proud heritage and future. Widely held principles of British fascism included direct representation in government for all occupations. All Britons would work in the interest of Britain, placing individual interests secondary to the whole of British culture. British fascism called for all Britons to actively involve themselves in the organic body of the British fascist state. Honor, duty, and loyalty would guide all Britons to a heightened sense of nationalism which would enable the individual to flourish within the fascist state. British fascism offered a sense of greatness to the British people. When all Britons embraced the nationalism of British fascism, pride of country, strength of family, honor of the individual, and the greatness of the British Empire all would be restored.

This thesis puts three antifascist writers in dialogue: Concha Zardoya, Natália Correia, and Ludovica Ripa di Meana. It does so based on their similarities as women who lived in Southern European fascist regimes, who wrote autobiographical poetry books about those regimes. Comparing and qualifying the regimes based on Umberto Eco’s Ur-Fascism, in which he highlights common “family resemblance” characteristics of fascist regimes, I set up the positionality of each women within her specific milieu. I then discuss the resulting poetry books, which all utilize a multi-temporal, teleological construction of the regime based on the writer’s own memory as someone who lived through it. Based on Michel-Roph Trouillot’s framing of history, I study how each writer uses this construction to move from agent/object of history to subject of history, thus granting herself the authority that was denied to her during the regime.