Cette recherche porte sur la migration antifasciste de la Ligurie à la France dans l’entre-deux-guerres et montre comment elle s’adressa en particulier vers le Sud-Est et Paris. Il ne s’agit pas d’une étude générale mais centrée sur l’expérience des gens ordinaires et des familles migrantes. Il faut contextualiser l’expression «gens ordinaires» soit du point de vue historique, soit sociale et culturelle: en examinant les caractéristiques des sujets ligures impliqués dans l’exil antifasciste, dans leur territoire d’origine, cette catégorie devient un instrument précieux au fin de sonder de l’intérieur les dynamiques de network de la société. L’étude régionale adoptée permette de suivre des réseaux transnationaux liés à une très remarquable identité de village et/ou de parti politique, ce qui représente une typique modalité migratoire transalpine qui ne s’organisait pas selon des «Little Italies», mais plutôt selon des «petits villages italiens». / This research focus on antifascist migration from Liguria to France, explaining how it has been mostly toward the South-East and Paris. It doesn't target general studies: its focal point, indeed, is on common people and migrant families’ experience. The “Common people” expression must be historically, socially and culturally contextualized. By examining the topics of Ligurian subjects involved in the Interwar period exile, identified in their own original territory, the common people category becomes a precious instrument to evaluate society network dynamics from inside.The regional study allows to follow transnational networks with a strong native town or party identity, a typical Italian migration modality in France, which organized itself in “petits villages italiens” rather than the American model of “Little Italies”.

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The dissertation examines the field of popular magazines in 1930s Italy, by first examining the broad field of magazine production under Fascism and then undertaking three case studies of individual magazines - L'Avventuroso (1934 - 1943), Omnibus (1937 - 1939), and Grazia (1938 -) - in order to build an in-depth analysis of the production, format and reception of the popular press in this period. In the interwar years, and in particular from 1934 onwards, innovative printing techniques and production methods transformed the periodical press worldwide. The emergence of new forms of illustrated magazines expanded the readership and started a process of standardisation and mass production of periodicals. The dissemination in Italy of the rotocalco, a new product aimed at the masses that was developed in the 1930s, offers a particularly interesting starting point for analysing the development of a modern Italian mass press and culture within the peculiar dynamics of a controlling Fascist regime and the mixed national and international forces that shaped it. Modern Italian magazines developed in dialogue with foreign industries, imitating models from abroad and adapting them to the Italian culture. The development of popular press in the 1930s represented a challenge for the Fascist regime, which approached it both as a threat and an opportunity to shape Italian popular culture. Through the analysis of three case studies, each from a key sector of popular press - comics, general cultural magazines, and women's magazines - and each produced by one of the three main publishing companies in the field - Nerbini, Rizzoli, and Mondadori - the dissertation aims to provide a detailed picture of the development of mass print culture in Italy during Fascism. The analysis provides examples of the impact of and cracks in Fascist censorship and cultural autarchy on the periodical press and argues that the Italian popular press developed in dialogue with European and American culture, which influenced both the form and content of rotocalchi, reinterpreting and adapting these models to Italian standards and to the constrictions of Fascist control.

Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal. / One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.

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Cette thèse est consacrée à la réception de la figure et de l’œuvre de Béla Bartók (1881-1945) en Italie, dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Opérée depuis un point de vue musicologique, l’analyse de l’influence bartókienne dans les œuvres de nombreux compositeurs italiens (d’Alfredo Casella à Bruno Maderna) invite à reconsidérer l’évolution du modernisme artistique en Italie, ainsi que les fondements de la poétique du musicien hongrois – informée par le nationalisme magyar, la « pureté » du folklore paysan et l’utopie de la « musique nocturne ». Par ailleurs, l’étude des formes de transmission et de critique de l’un des compositeurs canoniques du siècle dernier soulève des enjeux plus généraux, qui relèvent de l’histoire culturelle : la continuité entre modernisme artistique et totalitarisme, les formes et les significations de la résistance culturelle, les rapports entre musique et diplomatie, la construction du mythe antifasciste de Bartók. À bien des égards, la « vague bartókienne » qui s’affirma en Italie pendant la période de la guerre froide fut l’aboutissement de la fusion entre le mythe de Bartók – ce « musicien de la liberté » dont parlait le critique Massimo Mila – et le mythe de la renaissance nationale. Une fusion qui avait ses origines dans le paysage sonore de la dictature fasciste et de la Resistenza. / This thesis focuses on the reception of Béla Bartók’s music and figure in Italy during the first half of the twentieth century. From a musicological standpoint, the analysis of Bartók’s influence on the works of several Italian composers (from Alfredo Casella to Bruno Maderna) invites us to reconsider the evolution of artistic modernism in Italy, as well as the foundations of Bartók’s poetics – which is informed by Hungarian nationalism, the “purity” of peasant folklore, and the utopia of “night music”. Furthermore, the study of the forms of transmission and criticism of one of the canonical composers of the last century raises broader issues concerning cultural history, such as: the continuity between artistic modernism and totalitarianism, the forms and meanings of cultural resistance, the relation between music and diplomacy, and the construction of the antifascist myth of Bartók.This thesis argues that the Bartókian Wave, which emerged in Italy during the early Cold War period, was the result of the fusion between the Bartók myth – i.e. the “musician of freedom” celebrated by the critic Massimo Mila – and the myth of national regeneration: a fusion that had its origins in the soundscape of Fascist dictatorship and the Resistenza.

This diploma thesis focuses mainly on general Eliáš. The goal of this thesis is to explain the relationship of Alois Eliáš with the czech resistance during 1939-1942. The thesis analyses the resistance activities of Alois Eliáš and their hidden and public manifestations. The existence of Schmoranz's group and other important facts is resolved in this connection. Different forms of Czech collaboration are analysed as well, with special sight on Czech journalists. One part of this thesis deals with the economical benefits of Protectorate economy for the German economics.

The thesis has the ambition to follow the origin and first years of the Union of Anti-Fascist Fighters and its entry into the public space of Benešov. The research focuses in more detail on the formation of the memory of the citizens of Benešov on the anti-Nazi resistance, in the process of which the SPB played an obvious role. In addition to this federal activity, the work will follow the institutional development of the organization; what kind of people led the union, who could join, which areas of social life were influenced. This thesis maps the period from 1945, when the Second World War ended, when the associations and organizations associating the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia, which participated in the anti-Nazi resistance, until 1969, which determined the restructuring of the association. Key words Union of anti-fascist fighters, second resistence, Benešov, public space, memory policy, identity

The aim of my thesis is to discover what is the status of women in czech Association of anti- fascist groups (AAFG). I am interested in how gender affects and limits the participation of women within the movement. This thesis also aims to describe the inner workings of selected anti-fascist organisation. The theoretical part is devoted to show the concept of subcultural and social movement, which is the Association of anti-fascist groups (AAFG) part. I will also offer a gender perspective of the researches of subcultures and women's participation in them to the readers. The main part of the thesis describes selected methods of the research - especially semi-structured interview and semiotic content analysis - and their use in practice. This part of the thesis is at the same time devoted to the theme of ethical discussion of the research and research's self-reference of the researcher. Then this part analyzes the data and presents the findings resulted from the research. In this thesis I focus on the "revival" of the Association of anti-fascist groups (AAFG) and its possible impact of larger involvement of women.

The dissertation called "The Relationship between the Czechoslovak fascist and fascistoid Parties during in the Period of the First Republic" goes back to the period of the so called First Republic that is generally understood to be the Czechoslovak Republic from 28th October 1918 till 29th September 1938. The dissertation aspires to give the reader an outline of the relationship between the National Fascist Community and other parties having fascist tendencies. On the one hand, the dissertation will present the National Fascist Community as the main representative of the Czech fascism. On the other hand, it will focus on the National League of Jiří Stříbrný and also on the radical parts of the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party. Mutual relations in the Czech fascism were created mainly from this triangle. And other parties show themselves as well in these relations - the National Unity and the National Front. The dissertation will also take account of the personal relationships between Radola Gajda and Jiří Stříbrný. Their personal relationships had a strong influence on the fascism of the period of the First Republic. It will also be important to show how these two persons got to the Czech fascism. Radola Gajda was an outstanding general in Siberia in the First World War. Jiří Stříbrný was...