Submitted by ROSELI DEIENNO BRAFF null (rosebraff@hotmail.com) on 2016-05-11T23:57:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF ROSELI D BRAFF.pdf: 1240485 bytes, checksum: 01fc7b89b1201333f1494bfaa660e649 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-05-13T13:19:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 braff_rd_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1240485 bytes, checksum: 01fc7b89b1201333f1494bfaa660e649 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-13T13:19:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 braff_rd_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1240485 bytes, checksum: 01fc7b89b1201333f1494bfaa660e649 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29 / Este trabalho investiga como se materializa textualmente a relação dialógico-polifônica entre as vozes femininas dos romances A dança dos cabelos (2001), Sombras de julho (1994) e O vestido (2006), do escritor mineiro Carlos Herculano Lopes, além de interpretações significativas colhidas nos estudos de gênero das três obras. Em razão da ainda pouca visibilidade do autor objeto deste trabalho, o primeiro capítulo apresenta informações pautadas, sobretudo, em fortuna crítica extraída de textos jornalísticos, bem como a contextualização do escritor na História e na literatura brasileira. Em seguida, realiza-se a apresentação das obras do corpus, além de uma síntese das principais linhas teóricas utilizadas. O segundo capítulo dedica-se à análise das vozes em perspectiva dialógica e, também, a um universo ficcional essencialmente masculino, conjugando a violência de classe, aquela que derrama sangue pela posse da terra, e a violência de gênero, a posse do corpo feminino. O terceiro capítulo analisa um universo essencialmente feminino: a violência contra a violência: ação e reação – a vingança e a submissão; o direito à voz e à escrita, bem como o direito à memória, e o ato dessacralizador das tradições ficcionalmente construídas, além da representação como confirmação e denúncia de uma violência instituída, aqui tornada matéria ficcional. Na fundamentação teórica básica, utilizaram-se os conceitos de dialogismo e polifonia desenvolvidos por Bakhtin, essencialmente em Problemas da poética de Dostoievski (2005). A voz do narrador e a percepção do focalizador são analisadas com base no Discurso da narrativa, de Genette (1995). Devido ao corpus, que recorta três obras cujas narradoras são mulheres, e a própria escolha temática, utilizaram-se algumas teorias dos estudos de gênero aplicados ao discurso literário, tais como a noção de gênero e de patriarcado, a partir do pensamento de Kate Millet (2010), Elaine Showalter (1994), Sandra M. Gilbert & Susan Gubar (1998) e Joan Scott (1990). No levantamento diacrônico da história de luta das mulheres, paralelamente ao desenvolvimento da crítica feminista, utilizaram-se obras pautadas pelas reflexões teóricas de Amelia Valcárcel (2005) e de Constância Lima Duarte (2003), que apresenta uma proposta de compreensão do movimento feminista no Brasil. Das análises formais, às interpretações baseadas nos estudos de gênero, confirma-se a hipótese de que a multiplicidade de vozes presentes nas narrativas estudadas concretiza-se no que Bakhtin (2005) batizou de romance polifônico. Lopes posiciona-se, implicitamente, diante desse sonoro coro e denuncia o universo trágico do patriarcado mineiro, cuja engrenagem frequentemente subjugou a mulher. / This research investigates how it is materialized in the text the dialogical-polyphonic relation between the female voices of the novels A dança dos cabelos (2001), Sombras de julho (1994) and O vestido (2006) by Carlos Herculano Lopes – a writer from Minas Gerais –, in addition to meaningful interpretations collected through the gender studies approach of the three works. Because of a yet small visibility of the author subject of this research, the first chapter presents information extracted mainly from journalistic texts as well as an overview of the writer in history and Brazilian literature. Thereafter, a presentation of the corpus takes place, plus a summary of the main theoretical lines used in this dissertation. The second chapter is dedicated to the analysis of voices in dialogical perspective, and to an investigation of an essentially male fictional universe, which combines class violence, the one that spills blood because of land possession, and gender violence, through the possession of female body. The third chapter analyzes an essentially feminine universe: violence against violence: action and reaction – revenge and submission; the right to voice and writing, as well as the right to memory and the desecrating act of traditions fictionally built, besides the study of representation as confirmation and denunciation of an established violence, transformed here in fictional matter. For the basic theoretical foundation, it was used Bakhtin’s concept of dialogism and polyphony developed mainly in Problemas da poética de Dostoievski (2005). The narrative voice and the perception of the focalizor are analyzed based on Genette’s (1995) Discurso da narrativa. Due to the corpus, which comprises three works whose narrators are women, and even to the theme choice, it was used some theories from gender studies applied to literary discourse, such as the notion of gender and patriarchy, based on the thoughts of Kate Millet (2010), Elaine Showalter (1994), Sandra M. Gilbert & Susan Gubar (1998) and Joan Scott (1990). In the diachronic survey of women's struggle history, concurrently with the development of the feminist criticism, it was utilized works founded on the theoretical reflections of Amelia Valcárcel (2005) and Constância Lima Duarte (2003), which presents a proposal of understanding of the feminist movement in Brazil. From the formal analysis to the interpretations according to gender studies, it is possible to confirm the hypothesis that the plurality of voices displayed in the studied narratives materializes what Bakhtin (2005) named as polyphonic novel. Lopes implicitly takes position before the sonorous chorus and denounces the tragic universe of the patriarchy in Minas Gerais, whose gear has often subjugated women.

The purpose of this study was to compare the speaking fundamental frequency, physiological vocal range, singing voice quality, and self-perceptions of the singing and speaking voice between two groups of girls ages 11 through 15 years, who were pre-menarcheal by 6 months and post-menarcheal by 10 months or more. Subjects were volunteers who attended a North Texas public school system. Each subject was examined by an otolaryngologist. Age, height, weight, a hearing screening, and information on music classes and/or private music lessons were obtained. The speaking fundamental frequency measure was obtained by having each subject speak for 30 seconds on a subject of choice and read a passage of approximately 100 syllables. The vocal range measure was obtained by having each subject begin at an arbitrary pitch and sing mah and moo up the scale as high as possible and mah and moo down the scale as low as possible. These four measures were repeated with the researcher giving visual gestures. For singing-voice quality, each subject sang "America" in the key of her choice and again in the key of F major. Each subjects singing voice was rated according to breathiness. Data regarding self-perceptions of the singing and speaking voice were obtained through a rating assessment of 10 questions and a conversation with each subject. There were no significant differences between the means of the pre-meanarcheal and post-menarcheal girls on speaking fundamental frequency, physiological vocal range, and singing-voice quality. But, more of the post-menarcheal girls exhibited lower speaking pitches, lower singing ranges, and increased breathiness in their singing voices than did the pre-menarcheal girls. Two questions of the perceptions rating assessment were significant, with the post-menarcheal girls citing higher incidences of vocal inconsistencies than the pre-menarcheal girls. The findings of the qualitative data analysis indicated that more post-menarcheal girls had an adequate vocabulary to describe various aspects of their singing and speaking voices than did the pre-menarcheal girls.

This paper analyses (female) voices that reported sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) to the Commission of Inquiry of the Congo Free State between October 1904 and February 1905. Couldry's (2010) notion of "voice as value" is used to assess the possible contribution of these voices to the decade-long international humanitarian campaign that outsted King Leopold II from his personal colony. Document Analysis was performed on 21 witness accounts, including five female survivors and 16 African and European men who either corroborated or ruled out these women's statements. The analysis reveals one of the two main sites of violence to have been the home of the victim, a peculiar site of conflict-related SGBV even in the DRC today. Additionally, the study suggests a correlation between the geographical region of rubber exploitation and the area of concentration of SGBV - a finding which could signify germination of the 'world's capital of rape' to have started during the Leopoldian era and necessitates further examination. In answer to the inquiry's main question, results show that although voices denouncing SGBV remained unheard during the campaign, they did echo the main message carried by most if not all 300 or so Congolese men and women whose stories bear witness to brutalities that took place 120 years ago. The message they would have wanted reverberated worldwide is that ending the rubber regime was the only way out of their ordeal.

Ao final do ano de 98, do século passado, um coletivo de pessoas ligadas à produção teatral passou a se reunir semanalmente na cidade de São Paulo para pensar a função e o papel do teatro diante do quadro político que se desenhava, um ambiente de aprofundamento de políticas de orientação neoliberal iniciadas no governo Collor e que começavam a ganhar força com a eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) em seu primeiro mandato como presidente do Brasil. Passados seis meses do encontro inicial, o grupo chegou à formulação de um texto síntese das ideias debatidas naquele período. Esse documento recebeu o nome de Manifesto Arte Contra a Barbárie, nome pelo qual o grupo ficou conhecido. Durante a trajetória da pesquisa pudemos tomar contato com documentos que davam conta de que logo após o lançamento do Primeiro Manifesto iniciou-se uma considerável participação feminina nos encontros, impulsionando as atividades de discussão e a formação de grupos de trabalho. Ocorre que a maior parte dos relatos sobre o Arte Contra a Barbárie, aos quais tive acesso, dão conta de que era um grupo formado por homens. Esses relatos acabam por passar a impressão de que as mulheres não tinham uma participação ativa em todo o processo, ou mesmo que sua participação era restringida. A dissertação tem como objetivo primeiro registrar a participação feminina nesse processo de luta que acabou por mobilizar inúmeras pessoas em busca da conquista de políticas públicas para a produção cultural. Já o segundo objetivo é identificar indícios de ações, mecanismos ou estruturas que possam ter resultado em uma invisibilização das contribuições dessas figuras femininas nas lutas políticas e sociais importantes, como o processo que levou à conquista da lei que criou o Programa de Fomento ao Teatro para a Cidade de São Paulo / At the end of the year 98, in the last century, a collective of people related to the theater production gathered weekly in the city of São Paulo to think about the function and the role of theater in the face of the political framework that was being developed, of neoliberal orientation policies initiated in the Collor government and that were beginning to gain strength by electing Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) in his first term as president of Brazil. After six months of the initial meeting of the group, the group put together a summarized text of the ideas debated in that period. This document was named Manifesto Arte contra a Barbárie, name by which the group became known. During the course of the research, I was able to examine documents that showed that soon after the launch of the first manifesto a considerable amount of female participation in the meetings began, encouraging discussion activities and the formation of working groups. It turns out that most of the reports on the Arte Contra Barbarie, to which I had access, treated the group as one formed only by men, and these reports end up giving the impression that women did not have an active participation in the whole process, or even that their participation was restricted. The dissertation aims first at registering the female participation in this process of struggle that ended up mobilizing countless people in search of gaining public policies for cultural production. The second objective is to identify indications of actions, mechanisms or structures that may have resulted in the invisibility of the contributions of these female figures in important political and social struggles, such as the process that led to the achievement of the law that created the Programa de Fomento ao teatro para a cidade de São Paulo

Ao final do ano de 98, do século passado, um coletivo de pessoas ligadas à produção teatral passou a se reunir semanalmente na cidade de São Paulo para pensar a função e o papel do teatro diante do quadro político que se desenhava, um ambiente de aprofundamento de políticas de orientação neoliberal iniciadas no governo Collor e que começavam a ganhar força com a eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) em seu primeiro mandato como presidente do Brasil. Passados seis meses do encontro inicial, o grupo chegou à formulação de um texto síntese das ideias debatidas naquele período. Esse documento recebeu o nome de Manifesto Arte Contra a Barbárie, nome pelo qual o grupo ficou conhecido. Durante a trajetória da pesquisa pudemos tomar contato com documentos que davam conta de que logo após o lançamento do Primeiro Manifesto iniciou-se uma considerável participação feminina nos encontros, impulsionando as atividades de discussão e a formação de grupos de trabalho. Ocorre que a maior parte dos relatos sobre o Arte Contra a Barbárie, aos quais tive acesso, dão conta de que era um grupo formado por homens. Esses relatos acabam por passar a impressão de que as mulheres não tinham uma participação ativa em todo o processo, ou mesmo que sua participação era restringida. A dissertação tem como objetivo primeiro registrar a participação feminina nesse processo de luta que acabou por mobilizar inúmeras pessoas em busca da conquista de políticas públicas para a produção cultural. Já o segundo objetivo é identificar indícios de ações, mecanismos ou estruturas que possam ter resultado em uma invisibilização das contribuições dessas figuras femininas nas lutas políticas e sociais importantes, como o processo que levou à conquista da lei que criou o Programa de Fomento ao Teatro para a Cidade de São Paulo / At the end of the year 98, in the last century, a collective of people related to the theater production gathered weekly in the city of São Paulo to think about the function and the role of theater in the face of the political framework that was being developed, of neoliberal orientation policies initiated in the Collor government and that were beginning to gain strength by electing Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) in his first term as president of Brazil. After six months of the initial meeting of the group, the group put together a summarized text of the ideas debated in that period. This document was named Manifesto Arte contra a Barbárie, name by which the group became known. During the course of the research, I was able to examine documents that showed that soon after the launch of the first manifesto a considerable amount of female participation in the meetings began, encouraging discussion activities and the formation of working groups. It turns out that most of the reports on the Arte Contra Barbarie, to which I had access, treated the group as one formed only by men, and these reports end up giving the impression that women did not have an active participation in the whole process, or even that their participation was restricted. The dissertation aims first at registering the female participation in this process of struggle that ended up mobilizing countless people in search of gaining public policies for cultural production. The second objective is to identify indications of actions, mechanisms or structures that may have resulted in the invisibility of the contributions of these female figures in important political and social struggles, such as the process that led to the achievement of the law that created the Programa de Fomento ao teatro para a cidade de São Paulo