Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1999. / Title from electronic submission form. Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ed.D)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1991. / Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Ellen Condliffe Lagcmann. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Sloan. Includes bibliographical references (¡. 208-220).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-337). Also available on the Internet.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as condições materiais e simbólicas que levaram grupos organizados de mulheres feministas à institucionalização no âmbito do Estado e/ou governo no Brasil nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Adotamos como base o entendimento do feminismo como uma prática e pensamento crítico – é uma prática política e um pensamento com suas ideias, teorias e posições políticas – que critica a ordem como o mundo está organizado (ÁVILA, 2013). Argumentamos que o movimento feminista brasileiro não somente propôs, criou, idealizou organismos, serviços e equipamentos públicos. Ele foi, paulatinamente, para dentro dos três níveis de governo, a partir dos anos oitenta, passando a partícipe e a executar, ele mesmo, as políticas públicas. Metodologia - Trata-se de um estudo de base qualitativa, no qual foram realizadas seis entrevistas semi-estruturadas com mulheres feministas: a) Que vivenciaram os primeiros momentos de institucionalização nos governos; b) Que entraram nos governos (ou defenderam que as feministas tomassem parte nos governos); feministas que estiveram contra por um determinado período e depois entraram nos governos. A caracterização inicial do problema é feita a partir do marco conceitual de gênero que dialoga com teóricas feministas e se organiza em três eixos, a saber: 1) o conceito de patriarcado; 2) o sistema sexo-gênero e, 3) o conceito de feminismo de Estado. Como metodologia de análise nos inspiramos na técnica de análise de conteúdo temático-categorial de Laurence Bardin (2000). Resultados - Em linhas gerais, as análises do material apontam que o que inaugura a relação institucionalizada do movimento feminista com o Estado é a criação dos conselhos de direitos para as mulheres; que o feminismo está influenciando transformações no aparelho do Estado, ainda que seja no contexto de um Estado patriarcal. / This mastership dissertation aims to analyse the material and symbolic contidions that lead organized groups of feminist women to institutionalisation in the scope of the State and/or governments in 1970´s and 1980´s Brazil. We adopted as basis the understanding of feminism as a praxis and a critical thinking - it is a political praxis and a thought with its ideas, theories and political positions - which criticizes the disposition the world is organized (ÁVILA, 2013). We maintain that the brazilian feminist movement not only proposed, created, idealized organisms, services and public equipament. It went slowly within the three levels of government, from the 1980´s on, becoming a main participant and executing, the movement itself, the public policies. Methodology - this is a study of qualitative basis, in which six semi-structured interviews have been carried through with feminist women: a) That have experienced the first moments of government institutionalisation; b) That took part in governments (or that deffended that feminists should take part on the governments); feminists that were against their participation but later took part in governments. The initial characterization of the problem is held on the conceptual mark of gender that dialogues with feminists theorists and that is organized in three axis, namely: 1) the concept of patriarchate; 2) the system sex-gender and, 3) the concept of State feminism. As methodology of analysis we were inspired by Laurence Bardin´s (2000) technique of analysis of the thematic-categorial content. Results - Conscisely, the analysis of the material indicates that the creation of the council for women´s rights has inaugurated the institutionalised relationship between the feminist movement and the State; that feminism is influencing transformations in the State institutions, although it is still the context of a patriarchal State.

Islamic feminism in Iran is defined as the radical rethinking of religious and sacred texts from a feminist perspective. The purpose of this research is to show how an Islamic feminist discourse developed in Iran, and to outline the differences between the reformist and traditionalist epistemological foundations of women’s rights discourse in Iran.This study, using documentary research methods, demonstrates that central to the development of Islamic feminism is the development of the reformist movement in Iran. Moreover, it is shown that the main impedance to women’s equality in Iran is the traditionalist epistemology in religious law. While reformists believe that employing justice in Islamic law requires absolute equality regarding both men and women’s rights, traditionalists present a different interpretation of the notion of justice. According to the traditionalist discourse, since men and women have natural and inborn differences, two separate kinds of law are needed to regulate their lives.

This study focuses on the decade of 1921-31 in the career of social activist-historian Takamure Itsue (1894-1964). It is important to examine the concepts which developed early in her career as they formed the foundation of her later research on Japanese marriage and women's history. Takamure emerged as a poet and a theorist for the Japanese women's movement in the 1920s amidst the growing labour, agrarian, and feminist movements fueled by the turbulent economic change experienced nationally and internationally. It is essential to understand the pivotal themes which emerged in Itsue's work and to place these concepts within the context of the contributions made by other female activists in the late-Taisho to early Showa period and moreover, within the context of the leftist movement in general. During the first half of the 1920s Takamure had gained recognition as a poet and developed her four-stage theory of women's movements. In her poetry and articles she expressed her views on such matters as love, nature, and freedom. By the mid-1920s, Takamure had rejected the Western stage of women's movements and advocated a Japanese model of "New Feminism" which emphasized freedom, especially for women. She advocated the elimination of political and social authoritarianism which was controlled by the male-centred bureaucracy. She urged a shift towards an Asian society of agrarian self-government which emphasized harmony with nature, freedom from bureaucratic oppression, and women and men sharing in the production of the essentials of life. Through several debates in the late 1920s, including one with Marxist Yamakawa Kikue, Itsue further developed her views of anarchism. The publication of her women's anarchistic magazine, Fujin sensen (Women's front; March 1930-June 1931) allowed Itsue to focus her talents and express her position on issues such as urban versus rural economics and the feminist movement. Involvement with Fujin sensen also gave Takamure the opportunity to broaden her contacts with other anarchists, both male and female, and to expand her knowledge of farmers' issues. When the periodical ceased publication, Itsue, at the age of thirty-seven, embarked on a research plan which would take the rest of her life. Intrigued by the work of the eighteenth-century scholar Motoori Norinaga, she decided first to investigate the history of marriage, which she felt played a major role in the long chronicle of women's oppression. Itsue1s decision resulted from a gradual process strengthened by her activities in the 1920s. Some writers disagree with this statement and argue that Takamure's real contributions to Japanese history were made in the latter half of her life. Others contend that to ignore or negate the activities of the first half of her life presents an imbalanced view of her career. This thesis therefore uses a variety of "re-discovered" primary sources, including scholarly articles, periodicals and books to raise several historiographical issues related to the above two streams of thought. They include the role of Itsue's husband, Kenzo, in the virtual elimination of her anarchistic thought and views on the wartime period from her collected works. Further, Takamure1s intellectual development is discussed with respect to the following issues: (1) her alleged "ideological conversion" in 1940, (2) her agrarian concepts of the 1920s compared with those of the agrarian movement in the 1930s, and (3) her concepts of the Emperor and especially Shinto thought. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

Between the late 1960s and the mid-1980s, second-wave feminism involved both the construction of a distinctive body of social theory and socio-political activity with the explicit goal of turning violence from a private injury into a political problem demanding state intervention. In two decades the most radical wing of second-wave feminism launched an extraordinarily successful campaign against male violence that led to legislative reforms, and embedded itself in the interstices of state-funded social provision in European capitals. Most broadly, this dissertation examines how and why violence behind closed doors has come under the purview of the state as a vacuum to be filled with criminal law, and participates in a broader spectrum of queries about the rethinking of the state monopoly on violence, the erosion of the welfare state and the usages of law and punishment as vehicles for social change. A visionary radical feminist project, that had initially sought systemic change, instead folded itself into world affairs. The history of this transition is drastically under-researched, and has been left by historians to theorists. I propose a form of intellectual history centred on collectivity, on recovering underappreciated histories and on challenging the scripts by which the stories of making and unmaking feminist thought are told. In this dissertation I examine the transformation of intimate violence, first defined as “violence against women”—in public perception, social science, and the law—from a private matter to a state concern. I consider feminist activism and theory, academia (notably sociology and women’s studies), social democratic politics, and the legal system, to understand how intimate violence has become a terrain for action and thought. This dissertation demonstrates the centrality of violence to feminist arguments against women’s economic dependence, and shows how the exposure of violence against women resulted in new categories of need, that enabled the Dutch welfare state to produce welfare subjects accordingly. I explore how radical feminists first exposed violence in the intimate realm, why it became a focal point for liberal feminism as well, and how this exposure has set in motion a process of social change that veered into recuperation. Gradually, the cultural, political and legal outlook shifted—ultimately the siren call of law was answered. This is a history of classifications and (unintended) consequences.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010. / Title from screen (viewed on February 26, 2010). Department of Communication Studies, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Catherine A. Dobris, Ronald M. Sandwina, Kim D. White-Mills, Kristina H. Sheeler. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-70).

Various representations of the figure of Salomé and the Biblical legend have been produced in the European, specifically in the English literature and arts throughout the nineteenth century. Oscar Wilde’s 1891 dramatic version of the legend in many ways epitomizes the full potential of the legend and capitalizes on the period’s fascination with the Orient. The climax of the orientalism of the play, the Dance of the Seven Veils, offers a unique reflection on European fantasies about the harem and invites a comparison to Ottoman representations of this same cultural space. This project seeks to analyze the relation between the Dance of the Seven Veils as presented by Wilde, and the figure of dancing woman in the harem of the Ottoman Empire. It is the slippage between the two which has informed various representations of the Oriental female figure in the West. The gap that emerges between the Western representations and the real practices in the harem, allows for a focused critique of Orientalist practices while recovering, in some ways, the actual experience of Muslim women.The vision of the harem that the Dance of the Seven Veils in Wilde’s Salomé offers is informed not by an actual encounter, but by the image of the harem as understood in nineteenth century English culture. At the same time, it participates in Victorian feminist debates on liberating the oppressed harem woman from her veils, her sexualization, and her objectification. Ultimately the dance functions as a reaffirmation of conventional gender roles as understood in Victorian society. / text