Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal. / One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-207).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-292). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-292). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Communication, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], vii, 82 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82).

No description available.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-06-14T14:18:50Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Raissa versão final pdf 12deDezembro2015.pdf: 1532546 bytes, checksum: 229ec4153eff63b3d73b720ebcb3e875 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T14:18:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Raissa versão final pdf 12deDezembro2015.pdf: 1532546 bytes, checksum: 229ec4153eff63b3d73b720ebcb3e875 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-22 / CNPq / Partindo do princípio que os estudos acadêmicos não devem assumir posturas imparciais, mas politicamente situadas, esta pesquisa é marcada pela perspectiva feminista de ciência, bem como de ciência qualitativa. Esse trabalho resulta de uma pesquisa de mestrado realizada por uma estudante do Programa de Pós Graduação em Psicologia da UFPE. Buscou-se problematizar questões que referenciaram a chegada e participação de mulheres jovens no movimento feminista brasileiro. Foi resgatada a trajetória de um novo sujeito político do feminismo, as jovens feministas - com foco na atuação das militantes nordestinas. As jovens feministas apresentaram-se publicamente como um segmento do movimento feminista em 2005, no X Encontro Feminista Latino Americano e do Caribe. Desde então participaram e promoveram atividades nacionais através da Associação Brasileira de Jovens Feministas (ABJF), como também atividades locais em diferentes estados do país. Por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas foram entrevistadas quatro jovens nordestinas; duas pernambucanas, uma paraibana e uma cearense. Através dos percursos apresentados pelas próprias jovens, problematizou-se questões relacionadas à geração e ao território que marcaram a atividade política destas. A partir das entrevistas foi possível observar que as jovens feministas tencionam internamente o movimento feminista apresentando pautas da juventude, enquanto no movimento de juventude, apresentam pautas feministas. As jovens colocam em xeque o status e a legitimidade de se fazer política, desestabilizam lugares e propõem debates geracionais. / This work is based on the principle that academic researches should not assume unbiased postures, but politically situated. This research is characterized by the feminist perspective of science as well as qualitative science. This work results from a research performed by a student of the Graduate Studies Program in Psychology UFPE. The purpose of the work was to discuss the beginning of participation of young women in the Brazilian feminist movement. The trajectory of a new political subject of feminism, the young feminists - focusing on the action of militants from the Northeast - was recuperated. The young women feminists presented herself publicly as a segment of the feminist movement in 2005 on the X Feminist Conference of the Latin American and the Caribbean. Since then they participated in national activities and also promoted by the Brazilian Association of Young Feminists (ABJF) as well as local activities in different states of the country. Through semi-structured interviews were interviewed four young people from the Northeast of Brazil, two from Pernambuco, one from Ceará and one from Paraíba. Based on the pathways presented by each participant, it was discussed issues related to the generation and territory that marked the political activity from them. From the interviews it was observed that young feminists tend to cause internal tension in the feminist movement, introducing the agenda of youth movement, and in the youth movement, presenting feminist movement agenda. The young women put in check the status and legitimacy on the ways of making politics, destabilizing the structures and proposing generational debates.

This study aims to investigate how secondary school teachers have used We should all be feminists and the accompanying teacher’s guide and if they used the material in a problematizing way, given that it is sponsored. Hilary Janks’ model of critical literacy served as theoretical basis in this study. To collect data, qualitative interviews were conducted, that included five secondary school teachers. The transcribed material was processed and analyzed by the method Qualitative Content Analysis and with a deductive approach. The main results show that teachers primarily used the material as a way to meet the criteria of the curriculum and to train students in certain moments of the Swedish subject, rather than as a material for the discussion of feminism and gender equality. The study’s most conspicuous result was that none of the teachers had reflected on the fact that the material was sponsored by a numerous of organizations. The teachers viewed the sponsors as harmless and the material as a text from a fiction writer, rather than a material from trade unions and foundations who wish to exert influence in the classroom. In the analysis by Janks’ model of critical literacy, the results show that all of the teachers had worked with critical literacy in the classroom to some extent, but that they had not realized all of Janks’ criteria on how to work with critical literacy in classrooms.

No description available.

Using archival and oral history sources, my dissertation examines the emergence of what is now known as “sexual violence” and responses to it on American college campuses in the post-World War II period. This history has yet to receive a full account of its own. It demands one, national in scope but with campus-specific detail. Bridging historiographies of rape, higher education, and postwar feminisms, among others, my analysis features cases of sexual violence, activism, and institutional and legal developments throughout the US. These cases include early responses to campus sexual violence at the University of Chicago; anti-rape organizing at the University of Michigan, Barnard College, and Columbia University; Title IX litigation in the case of Alexander v. Yale (2d Cir., 1980); and the proliferation of a national campus anti-harassment movement through the advocacy work of the Project on the Status and Education of Women and student organizing at the University of California, Berkeley. Across cases, I show how student activists leveraged feminist and sometimes anti-racist analyses to fundamentally shift understandings of sexual violence and force universities and the state to address the problem. I argue that unprecedented growth in women’s college enrollment and entry into previously closed-off professions, the new feminist movements, and emerging anti-discrimination regulations provided women a context and tools to mold the American university. After World War II, when Black Americans moved in record numbers from the South to Northern cities, campus sexual violence was understood in thinly veiled racist terms as part of a broader crime problem. The perceived crime problem and specter of interracial rape sparked calls for universities to ensure safer campuses. In response, urban universities advanced robust neighborhood renewal and campus security programs. Shortly thereafter, feminists of the 1960s and 1970s developed an anti-rape consciousness and new theories of sexual violence. Students used feminist analyses of gendered power and new knowledge about experiences of sexual violence to shift who was perceived as a threat to campus women, from Black and brown strangers to university faculty and peers. By changing how campus sexual violence was understood, from a threat outside the university to a threat within, activists placed responsibility for rape and sexual harassment with university administrators. Students leveraged anti-discrimination law – namely Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 – to force university administrators and the state to recognize and address campus sexual violence as illegal sex discrimination. In response to student demands, the state began to grapple with the full regulatory implications of Title IX. And universities established policies prohibiting harassment, grievance procedures, and institutions to serve people who experienced sexual violence.