The chief purpose of this study is to develop a theoretical framework which can contribute to a broader theoretical understanding of the actions of the U.N. Security Council and its members. The framework rests upon a rationalistic foundation and it is set up with two different models of explanation; a first with focus on power and security and the second which is an institutional explanation. The framework is then applied on a case study in which the behavior of theUnited Statesand theUnited Kingdomin the Security Council are explained. The outcome of the paper is worth mentioning that the member nations have find the Security Council to be an important institution and that there is an apprehension of the precedential power of the institution. The study also points out that a permanent member is more likely to use its veto when there are strong national reasons of so doing. In general the developed theoretical framework seems to be well appropriate to explain states behavior in the Security Council and may provide a foundation for further theoretical studies on the subject.

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Since its reorganization in the early 1990s, the English School of international relations has emerged as a popular theoretical lens through which to examine global events. Those that use the international society approach promote it as a middle-way of theorizing due to its supposed ability to incorporate features from both systemic and domestic perspectives. A noticeable trend in the School since the end of the Cold War has been its interest with domestic and critical theory concerns, often focusing on individual, discursive or emancipatory issues. As a result, the English School has been able to accommodate the growing trends in international theory more generally, with the decline of problem-solving theory and the rise of critical projects. While the School and its practitioners may, for the most part, see value in discussing how domestic or critical variables impact the society of states, such examinations tend to neglect or overlook the systemic level of analysis. This project takes exception to the decline of the English Schools problem-solving foundations and argues that the School must place more emphasis on the systemic level of analysis if it hopes to be relevant in international theory debates. To this end, the criticisms of American scholars regarding the Schools lack of methodological rigour and explanatory power are addressed by demonstrating the added value to the international society approach if the constraints of the international system are included in theoretical explanations. In order to demonstrate how the systemic level alters English School analyses, two areas of popular examination within the School are explored, namely the role of international institutions and the debate over humanitarian intervention. Ultimately, the contention of this work is that English School scholars can greatly benefit from including systems-level thinking because of what it adds to the Schools explanatory power and also its ability to provide methodological rigour. In doing so, it is more likely the English School can penetrate the mainstream of international theory in the future.

The significance of India in the international system has been increasing not only because of its fast economic development. As one of the manifestations of India's growing position can be considered the expanding of interests to African continent, which is the pivotal topic of this diploma thesis. The presence of India in Africa and its foreign policy towards this continent was analyzed on the basis of the method of four level analysis, which means foreign policy of India towards Africa is examined on levels of international system, state, domestic influences and individuals. To show the position of India in Africa in full context the part comparing its activities with another Asian economic power -- China - is included.

This thesis analyzes how the need for ontological security (OS), the ‘security of being’,impacts the foreign policy decision-making of states. Traditional security studies focus primarily on physical threats to the state. By contrast, an OS framework argues individuals feel secure when they are able to maintain communal narrative. This narrative in turn becomes the lens through which policymakers, and thus states, analyze events, while also becoming a potential source of conflict if challenged. Therefore, while physical security is still important, one is better positioned to account for perceptions of physical (and non physical) threats, and subsequent policies seemingly contradictory to traditional security studies, by employing an OS framework. While this will be explored within the context of the DPRK, the applicability of such a framework is far greater, holding key insights for International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). DPRK narrative formed out of the postcolonial nationalism of Japanese occupation, culminating into the hyper-nationalist ideology of Juche. North Korea’s seemingly ‘abnormal’ behavior might in turn be indicative of its unique national narrative and history of colonization and humiliation, leading to a different set of behavioral expectations than states whose narratives do not encompass such stories or reference points. While not all states are expected to act in the same manner as North Korea, the framework would expect them to defend and promote their respective national narratives. Moreover, while narratives can double as sources of legitimacy, as seen increasingly in the DPRK, this in no way detracts from, and merely compounds, the emphasis on narrative maintenance. Examining the historical record, it is argued the OS framework is consistently better at accounting for DPRK policies than traditional security studies. Therefore, more broadly in FPA, by taking seriously group narrative as a key component of OS, one can better account for perceptions and foreign policy decision-making.

This doctoral thesis asks what ideational factors underlie parties' national role conceptions in narratives on violent conflict and crises abroad. It explores French and German parties' national role statements in the case of the 2011 military intervention in Libya. The thesis lies at the intersection of Foreign Policy Analysis research focused on domestic foreign policy actors, International Relations studies on ideas in international relations and Party Politics scholarship looking at international issues in party campaigns and competition. It develops a theoretical framework using role theory and combines it with scholarship on international norms and ideologies. It contributes to role research on domestic role contestation and role socialisation. It adds a study of parties' national roles to this scholarship. It also advances the conceptual development of the role theory approach through an exploration of the responsibility concept within national roles. The main finding of the thesis is that parties often agree on the national role but sometimes interpret the same role differently. Moreover, sometimes parties can propose alternative national roles. The theoretical framework permits to trace variation in role interpretation to foreign policy traditions, international norms and ideologies. The central argument is that parties do not necessarily agree on the national role and its interpretation even when confronted with the same situation and events. It suggests that variation in national role interpretation can matter because parties contest the national role and, thereby, may point to role conflicts and dilemmas that may have an effect on future role selection and performance.

This thesis seeks to examine Russian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and its evolution in terms of Russia&rsquo / s use of soft power in the post-Soviet space. Contrary to the views that consider Russia exclusively as a hard power, this thesis argues that Russia has started to develop its soft power capabilities and how to use its soft power effectively in the post-Soviet space, especially since the beginning of Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s second Presidential term in 2004. In this context, Russia pursues a proactive foreign policy particularly in the spheres of language and education, which are important elements of its soft power. The thesis is composed of three main chapters in addition to the introduction and conclusion chapters. The first main chapter discusses the evolution of the soft power concept in Russian foreign policy by analyzing the period of 1992-2008. The second chapter seeks to analyze the position of Russian language in the CIS countries as lingua franca. The last chapter examines the Russian education system and the attraction of its higher education institutes for students from the CIS countries.

Tesis Magíster en Estrategia internacional y Política Comercial / La política exterior es un tema de relevancia constante, un asunto estatal fundamental y que, junto a la política de defensa, son las únicas políticas públicas que tienen una orientación predominantemente internacional. En los sistemas presidenciales, el presidente, sobre todo en Latinoamérica, ha tenido un lugar privilegiado en la definición y conducción de política exterior; pese a esto, aún falta mucha literatura actualizada al respecto. Es por lo anterior, que se desarrolla el siguiente análisis, bajo la pregunta general ¿Cuáles son los principales aspectos de la política exterior mexicana y chilena que los presidentes destacan ante el Debate General de las Naciones Unidas y en qué forma (frame) lo hacen? Con la particularidad de ser estudiado a través de dos teorías complementarias y actuales: el Foreign Policy Analysis y el Framing analysis. / Foreign policy is a subject of continuing relevance, a key state issue, and along with defence policy, are the only public policies that have a predominantly international orientation. The president has been privileged in setting the agenda of foreign policy in presidential systems, especially in Latin America; however, there are very few studies in Latin America explaining this issue. This analysis focuses in the following question: What are the main foreign policy’s aspects that the presidents of Mexico and Chile highlight in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly and by which frame they do it? This will be studied through important concepts of the Foreign Policy Analysis and Framing analysis approaches.

La política exterior es un tema de relevancia constante, un asunto estatal fundamental y que, junto a la política de defensa, son las únicas políticas públicas que tienen una orientación predominantemente internacional. En los sistemas presidenciales, el presidente, sobre todo en Latinoamérica, ha tenido un lugar privilegiado en la definición y conducción de política exterior; pese a esto, aún falta mucha literatura actualizada al respecto. Es por lo anterior, que se desarrolla el siguiente análisis, bajo la pregunta general ¿Cuáles son los principales aspectos de la política exterior mexicana y chilena que los presidentes destacan ante el Debate General de las Naciones Unidas y en qué forma (frame) lo hacen? Con la particularidad de ser estudiado a través de dos teorías complementarias y actuales: el Foreign Policy Analysis y el Framing analysis. / Foreign policy is a subject of continuing relevance, a key state issue, and along with defense policy, are the only public policies that have a predominantly international orientation. The president has been privileged in setting the agenda of foreign policy in presidential systems, especially in Latin America; however, there are very few studies in Latin America explaining this issue. This analysis focuses in the following question: What are the main foreign policy’s aspects that the presidents of Mexico and Chile highlight in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly and by which frame they do it? This will be studied through important concepts of the Foreign Policy Analysis and Framing analysis approaches.

In my thesis I have been working theory bases of smart power, while trying to apply this theory to the foreign policy of Brazil. Theoretical and practical part of the thesis is based on three pillars: soft power, economic power and military might. The paper attempts to answer the question: What are the sources of brazilian power? Wha instruments are these sources turned to? How effectively can Brazil persuade another international actor about its interests or does it rely on coercive power? In trying to answer these questions, I focused mainly on the identification of the most important foreign policy actions in Brazil, which define its current position on the international scene. The application of smart power theory on Brazil's foreign policy is performed through the analysis of the Brazilian operations in peacekeeping mission in Haiti since 2004. The situation in Haiti is an unprecedented challenge for Brazil, under which it can draw on soft power, economic power and military resources.