This thesis has two principal objectives: firstly, to provide a systematic account of the evolution of Brazil's international role during the twenty-one years of military rule from 1964 to 1985 and, secondly, to evaluate the extent to which developments in Brazilian foreign relations during this period have enabled the country to attain a more autonomous and independent role in world affairs. The first part of the thesis outlines the major themes of Brazilian foreign policy before 1964. It argues that in the early post-war period Brazil's international freedom of manoeuvre was limited by two principal factors: the consolidation of United States hegemony over Latin America and the absence of alternative relationships. The following five chapters then trace the evolution of foreign policy under the five military presidents that ruled Brazil between 1964 and 1985. Each chapter charts the major foreign policy initiatives of the various governments, isolates the underlying principles on which foreign policy was based and analyses the major political and economic factors which shaped Brazilian diplomacy. In each case the analysis is organised around two crucial developments: the changing character of relations with the United States and the progress towards diversification. Part Three seeks to evaluate Brazil's changing international role. It argues that Brazil's level of autonomy has increased over the period as a result both of a decline in United States hegemony over Brazil and of the successful diversification of Brazil's foreign relations and the expansion of political and economic contacts with Western Europe, Japan, the socialist countries and the Third World. It nevertheless also argues that Brazil's freedom of manoeuvre is much more constrained than many of the accounts of the 1970s suggested and that the debt crisis has underlined both the continued centrality of relations with Washington and the fragility of many of the new ties that were so successfully builk up during the 1970s.

The availability of new document sources in Britain and Brazil has made it possible to examine this crucial period in the development of relations between the two countries. After exerting considerable economic and political influence in Brazil during the nineteenth century, British supremacy began to be challenged by German and American interests. At the same time, the Brazilian economy was undergoing fundamental changes brought about by the collapse of rubber and coffee and the development of diversified industrial activity. The main effect of this process was to reduce Brazilian dependence on British capital and imports, and to foster her own growth as an international unit of some importance. British opinions regarding the state of Brazil during this period were generally pessimistic, and ran counter to the accepted view that she was passing through a phase of progress and prosperity. British diplomatic sources, not always well-informed, saw little hope for the country, and these thoughts were echoed by several leading Brazilian intellectuals. The British Minister in Rio de Janeiro, Sir William Haggard, was totally unconvinced about Brazil's future prospects, and was unsuccessful in developing fruitful relations with his counterparts. The policies of the Barão do Rio Branco brought Brazil closer to expanding American interests. The First World War was important in that it witnessed the eclipse of Germany from the international scene and produced a marked improvement in Anglo-Brazilian relations. The British Minister, Sir Arthur Peel, was more successful than his predecessor in his official dealings, and the common interests of the War established closer ties between the two countries. By the end of the War, however, Brazil had emerged as a prominent factor in the affairs of the hemisphere, and her own national and international development signalled the end of Anglo-Brazilian relations as they had existed before the turn of the century. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T06:35:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cardozo_SandraAparecida_D.pdf: 1886884 bytes, checksum: c3002679902720555baacb3bc3f9709a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa como a interação entre Brasil e Índia nos anos 2000 tem relação com as trajetórias autonomistas dos dois países. Apoiado no construtivismo para execução do desenvolvimento do estudo, as políticas internacionais de cada um dos países são apresentadas, inicialmente, no decorrer de um longo período, incluindo o da Guerra Fria, onde se percebem os princípios, ideias e identidades autonomistas e críticas à estruturação do poder mundial. Na mesma perspectiva, a análise caminha para a exposição de posturas e atuações de Brasil e Índia, no mundo pós-Guerra Fria, e demonstra perante as mudanças das políticas internacionais de cada um, a preservação de posturas autonomistas, a defesa do multilateralismo e a participação dos países em desenvolvimento nas instâncias decisórias internacionais. Por fim, são expostas as principais formas de interações entre Brasil e Índia e suas posturas concertadas sobre grandes temas da agenda internacional. Argumenta-se que a aproximação entre Índia e Brasil, nos últimos anos, advém do conhecimento que cada país tem um do outro, da defesa de valores dos países em desenvolvimento, ou seja, a convergência de identidades que alavancam novas idéias e interesses. Estes elementos, então, contribuem para a reconfiguração da identidade sul no mundo pós-Guerra Fria / Abstract: This paper analyzes how the interaction between Brazil and India in the 2000s is related to the autonomous trajectories of the two countries. Based on the constructivism as to execute the development of the study, the international policies of each country are presented, initially, over a long period, including the Cold War, in which we can meet the principles, ideas, autonomous identities and some critics to the structuring of world power. Under the same perspective, the analysis moves to the exposure of Brazil and India postures and performances in the post-Cold War context and it demonstrates before the changes of the international policy of each one the preservation of autonomy postures, the defense of multilateralism and the developing countries participation in international decision-makers. Finally, it exposes the main forms of interactions between India and Brazil and their postures, arranged within major topics of the international agenda. It is argued that the nearness of India and Brazil in recent years comes from the knowledge each country has from one another, from the defense of values in developing countries, i.e. the convergence of identities that leverage new ideas and interests. These elements then contribute to the reconfiguration of southern identity in the post-Cold War era / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-03T13:32:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Lucio Mello Tobias.pdf: 4443680 bytes, checksum: f59e75dbeb6caa4627fde0d7495f3f78 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-03T13:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Lucio Mello Tobias.pdf: 4443680 bytes, checksum: f59e75dbeb6caa4627fde0d7495f3f78 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / A part of the most considered conjectures about the relations between Brazil and the United States insists that Brazil, at some key moments in its history, was subservient to Washington's interests, automatically aligning itself with the interests of the Americans . With the beginning of World War II in 1939, the configuration of power relations between countries began to change, affecting in a political or economic way almost the entire planet. In the case of Brazil, starting in 1942 the country began to participate in a game of interests with the United States that, among other things, wished to have access to the air bases of the Northeast. The Vargas government (1930-1945) and following the Dutra government (1946-1951), saw in this conjuncture an opportunity of negotiation, took advantage of the situation and negotiated with the Americans, trying to gain some advantages for the country. In this game, World War II and the Cold War served as a field for agencies such as the OSS, OCIAA and CIA, in the service of the United States and guaranteed the country some advantages. On the other hand, we did not have that many players, but we never stopped playing. We have even taken up space in newly created international forums such as the UN, OAS and ECLAC, among others. Not always winning, not always losing, but learning to play. Analyzing the Brazilian performance in these organizations, we intend to demonstrate that even in the face of various difficulties and in a less favored situation, the Brazilian government tried, with the resources it had at the time, to be protagonists of its own history / Uma parte das conjecturas mais consideradas sobre as relações entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos insiste em afirmar que o Brasil, em alguns momentoschave de sua história foi subserviente aos interesses de Washington, alinhando-se de forma automática aos interesses dos norte-americanos. Com do início da Segunda Guerra Mundial em 1939, a configuração das relações de poder entre os países começa a mudar, afetando de uma forma política ou econômica quase todo o planeta. No caso do Brasil, partir de 1942 o país começa a participar de um jogo de interesses com os Estados Unidos que, entre outras coisas, desejava ter acesso às bases aéreas do Nordeste. O governo Vargas (1930-1945) e na sequência o governo Dutra (1946-1951), viram nesta conjuntura uma oportunidade de negociação, aproveitaram a situação e negociaram com os americanos, tentando conquistar algumas vantagens para o país. Nesse jogo, a Segunda Guerra Mundial e a Guerra Fria serviram de campo para a atuação de agências como a OSS, a OCIAA e a CIA, a serviço dos Estados Unidos e garantiram para o país algumas vantagens. Por outro lado, nós não tivemos tantos jogadores assim, mas nunca paramos de jogar. Jogamos, inclusive, ocupando espaço nos fóruns internacionais recém criados, como a ONU, a OEA e a CEPAL, dentre outros. Nem sempre ganhando, nem sempre perdendo, mas aprendendo a jogar. Analisando a atuação do Brasil nestas organizações pretendemos demonstrar que mesmo diante de varias dificuldades e numa situação menos favorecida o governo brasileiro tentou, com os recursos que dispunha na época, ser protagonista da sua própria história

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T22:47:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_MarcosAlanFagnerdosSantos_D.pdf: 3020324 bytes, checksum: fc7b47842ddb9df198368c207f00e143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001 ocorridos em território norte-americano, diversas ações foram tomadas por parte do governo dos EUA para contenção do terrorismo internacional. Embora seja uma região que não tenha sofrido incursões bélicas ancoradas no argumento de combate ao terror, no caso da América Latina uma área em especial tem sido destacada nos relatórios governamentais e estudos de analistas internacionais: a Tríplice Fronteira entre Argentina, Brasil e Paraguai (TF). Tal região tem sido considerada um safe haven, ou seja, uma área propensa a ser utilizada como base de apoio ao terrorismo internacional, especialmente para financiamento de grupos islâmicos radicais. Visando uma melhor compreensão do destaque dado à região, esta pesquisa objetiva analisar a política externa dos EUA para a região, assim como as ações e as percepções do mesmo, em comparação às visões proporcionadas por analistas internacionais. Ainda, pretende-se mostrar o posicionamento do governo brasileiro diante desta postura de Washington. Considerando que tal tema tem sido pouco estudado na área de Relações Internacionais, esta pesquisa busca preencher uma lacuna importante nos estudos relacionados a segurança internacional dentro do Cone Sul, auxiliando na compreensão de como atuam os diferentes órgãos da arquitetura política norte-americana e a resposta do Brasil em um dos poucos aspectos no qual a América do Sul é lembrada na chamada Guerra ao Terrorismo iniciada pelo governo George W. Bush com sua incursão no Afeganistão em 2001 / Abstract: After the attacks of September 11, 2001 occurred in U.S. territory, several actions were taken by the U.S. government for containment of international terrorism. Although it is a region that has not suffered incursions of war anchored in the argument of fighting terror, in the case of Latin America one area in particular has been highlighted in government reports and studies by international analysts: the Triple Frontier between Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay (TF). This region has been considered a safe haven, or an area prone to be used as a support for international terrorism, particularly for financing of radical Islamic groups. For a better understanding of the prominence given to the region, this research aims to analyze the U.S. foreign policy for the region as well as the actions and perceptions of it, compared to the views offered by international analysts. Still, is intended to show Brazilian government stance against Washington attitude. Considering that this subject has been little studied in the field of international relations, this research seeks to fill an important gap in studies related to international security in the Southern Cone, assisting in the an appreciative view of how different agencies work inside the architecture of American politics and Brazilian response in one of few ways in which South America is remembered in the "war on terror" initiated by President George W. Bush with his foray into Afghanistan in 2001 / Doutorado / Política Internacional / Doutor em Ciência Política

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T09:50:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Menezes_HenriqueZeferinode_D.pdf: 3416988 bytes, checksum: d471be899deba56d8a6157926f076d3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Nessa tese analisamos o conflito entre Estados Unidos e Brasil sobre a organização do regime internacional de propriedade intelectual no século XXI. Um conflito político que tem uma interface com as discussões teóricas acerca do papel dos direitos de propriedade intelectual no desenvolvimento econômico. Esse conflito se dá pela contraposição, por um lado, entre a demanda norte-americana por um sistema internacional de proteção aos intangíveis mais amplo, forte, homogeneizado, harmonizado e efetivo; e, por outro, a demanda brasileira que pretende resguardar liberdades e flexibilidades, ainda remanescentes no regime internacional de proteção, aos Estados para a adoção de políticas de desenvolvimento industrial e tecnológico. São exatamente essas flexibilidades, liberdades que se tornariam inconsistentes com um sistema de proteção à propriedade intelectual espelhado nas demandas norte-americanas. Especificamente, analisamos o desenrolar desse conflito na Organização Mundial de Propriedade Intelectual (OMPI), que encampou os debates levados por esses dois países e suas agendas específicas - a Agenda de Patentes norte-americana e a Agenda do Desenvolvimento brasileira. Assim, a tese parte da problematização teórica sobre a funcionalidade dos direitos de propriedade intelectual no estímulo ao desenvolvimento econômico e avança sobre as negociações sobre a matéria, que encampam esses argumentos e manifestam os interesses específicos de países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento / Abstract: In this thesis we analyze the conflict between the United States and Brazil on the organization of the international intellectual property regime in the twenty-first century. It is a political conflict that has an interface with theoretical discussions about the role of intellectual property in economic development. This conflict is defined by a contrast between, on the one hand, the U.S. demands for a broader, stronger, homogenized, harmonized and effective international intellectual property system, and, on the other hand, the Brazilian demand that seeks to protect freedoms and flexibilities still remaining in the international protection system that allows states to adopt some policies for industrial and technological development. Those exactly flexibilities and freedoms that would become inconsistent with a system of intellectual property protection mirrored in the U.S. demands. Specifically, we analyze this conflict in the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), which took over the discussions held by these two countries and their specific agendas - the US Patent Agenda and the Brazilian Development Agenda. So, the thesis discuss part of theoretical debate about the functionality of the intellectual property rights in stimulating economic development and analysis the political negotiations which encampam these arguments and show the specific interests of developed and developing countries / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Submitted by ARTHUR FELIPE MURTA ROCHA SOARES null (arthur_murta@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-17T15:50:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Arthur Murta STD 2016.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sandra Manzano de Almeida (smanzano@marilia.unesp.br) on 2016-03-17T18:02:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 soares_afmr_me_mar.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-17T18:02:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 soares_afmr_me_mar.pdf: 7952876 bytes, checksum: cb5560c2b02a699ee55380215cd5a0c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Dois eixos estratégicos importantes vêm pautando a política externa brasileira recente: o eixo global, enfatizado no multilateralismo e nos novos arranjos mundiais, que almeja para o país a posição de potência emergente; e o eixo regional, voltado para a América do Sul, que visa aumentar sua projeção e presença ante seus vizinhos. No que concerne ao plano regional, verifica-se uma crescente participação institucional brasileira na mediação de crises, como no Paraguai (2012). Ressalta-se que a articulação brasileira em tal evento ocorreu por meio da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul), expandindo e reforçando a cooperação regional. Assim, a atuação do Brasil no gerenciamento de crises recentes foi o elemento motivador para o estudo e a análise da forma como se organiza a presença do país no contexto sul-americano atualmente. A partir do redescobrimento do espaço regional, com o marco de criação da Unasul em 2008, este trabalho objetiva verificar como a crise política paraguaia de 2012, que levou o então presidente Fernando Lugo à deposição, repercutiu na região, sinalizando o modus operandi da Unasul na gestão de crises, bem como qual foi o papel do Brasil no desenrolar dos fatos. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, com investigação exploratória, de fundamentação bibliográfica e documental, apoiada na leitura de periódicos regionais e, em menor medida, de fora da região, relativos à ação da Unasul e às posturas brasileiras durante as crises ocorridas no período 2008-2012, com ênfase na crise do Paraguai. Acredita-se que a Unasul vem se constituindo como instituição regional detentora da primazia na resolução de crises. Ademais, as reações brasileiras frente aos recentes processos de instabilidade política regional podem ser vistas como uma nova compreensão acerca da articulação do Brasil na América do Sul, que ocorre sempre nos fóruns multilaterais, evitando assim possíveis desgastes diplomáticos nas relações bilaterais. / Two important strategic pillars have guided Brazil’s recent foreign policy: the global axis, with an emphasis in the multilateralism and the new global arrangements, which aspires an emerging power position for the country; and the regional axis, facing South America, aimed at increasing its projection and presence among their neighbors. Regarding the regional level, a growing Brazilian institutional participation in mediating crises can be found as in the Paraguay case (2012). It is noteworthy that the Brazilian coordination in such an event happened through the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), expanding regional cooperation. Thus, Brazil's performance in the recent crisis management was the motivating factor for the study and analysis of how it organizes the country's presence in the South American context nowadays. From the rediscovery of regional space, with the landmark creation of Unasur in 2008, this study aims to verify how the 2012’s Paraguayan political crisis, which led to then-President Fernando Lugo’s deposition, reflected in the region, signaling the modus operandi of Unasur in managing crisis, and to analyze what was Brazil's role during these events. It is a qualitative research, with exploratory investigation, bibliographic and documental foundation, based on the reading of regional newspapers and, to a lesser extent, from outside the region, relative to the action of Unasur and the Brazilian postures through the crises during the period 2008-2012, with an emphasis in the Paraguayan crisis. It is believed that Unasur is becoming a regional institution that holds the primacy in resolving crises. In addition, Brazilian forward reactions to recent regional political instability processes can be seen as a new understanding of Brazil's coordination in South America, which always occurs in multilateral forums, avoiding possible diplomatic wear in bilateral relations.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Institutto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:31:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dalio_DaniloJose_M.pdf: 2052522 bytes, checksum: d044549918d8c794d75609dbfc3ecde8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: As relações com os Estados Unidos se constituíram como um dos fatores fundamentais nos planos industrializantes do segundo governo Vargas. Embora inserido em uma conjuntura "quente" da Guerra Fria, de indefinições e incertezas no conflito bipolar, as condições essenciais a uma "política de barganha" não pareciam esgotadas para o governo Vargas. Tanto o alinhamento político-militar como a cooperação econômica eram termos negociáveis na primeira metade dos anos 50. Trata-se, portanto, de entender como o governo Vargas articulou esses termos nas negociações com os Estados Unidos em prol do desenvolvimento econômico nacional. As contradições no governo varguista, provenientes de conflitos e interesses internos e internacionais, são objeto de divergências na historiografia brasileira, sobretudo no tocante à definição do caráter da política externa do governo Vargas, do sentido de seu nacionalismo e do seu projeto de desenvolvimento. A noção de barganha nacionalista-pragmática não pretende refutar essas contradições, mas servir como um fundamento sob o qual elas puderam objetivamente conviver / Abstract: Relations with the United States were established as one of the key factors at industrialization plans of the second Vargas government. Although embedded in a climate "hot" of the Cold War, the unknowns and uncertainties in the bipolar conflict, the conditions essential to a "political bargaining" did not seem exhausted for the Vargas government. Both the political-military alignment and economic cooperation were negotiable terms in the first half of the 50s. This is, therefore, to understand how the Vargas government articulated these terms in negotiations with the United States in support of national economic development. The government varguista contradictions, from conflicts and interests domestic and international, are subject to differences in the Brazilian historiography, with regard to defining the character of the foreign policy of the Vargas government, their sense of nationalism and its development projects. The concept of bargain-pragmatic nationalism is not intended to refute these contradictions, but serve as a basis under which they could live objectively / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política