Notwithstanding progress made in description, prediction, and manipulation of self-forgiveness, the extant literature continues to be wrought with theoretical and empirical quandaries. In the current dissertation, I conceptualize self-forgiveness within the framework of Social Cognitive Theory and develop a two-factor scale to assess distinct decisional and emotional aspects of self-forgiveness among perpetrators of interpersonal transgressions. In Study One, I test the hypothesized two-factor structure in a new measure of state self-forgiveness and provide preliminary evidence supporting construct validity via associations of that measure with perceived responsibility, guilt, and shame. In Study Two, I replicate the factor structure and provide preliminary evidence of criterion-related validity by distinguishing self-forgiveness from self-punishment and self-exoneration using the two-factor structure. In Study Three, I explore profiles of association between the hypothesized decisional and emotional factors of self-forgiveness and pro-social as well as health-related correlates. In sum, findings generally supported the proposed two-factor structure of self-forgiveness, which provides a foundation for future investigations and applications of self-forgiveness.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2003. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-131).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2003. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-131).

Thesis (D. Min.)--McCormick Theological Seminary, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2003. / Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-131).

M.A. / This dissertation proposes a theory of forgiveness using the strategy of narrative reconstruction developed by Paul Ricoéur and the mimetic theory of René Girard. This Ricoéurian-Girardian theory of forgiveness is a theory of human subjectivity that includes an understanding of cultural and religious degeneration. It proposes three moments of forgiveness as uncertainty, distance, and humility that signify authentic subjectivity vis-à-vis the quasi-subject prone to violence. This theory of authentic subjectivity is established by a critical use of memory that re/configures narrative through a critical imagination. This theory of forgiveness is developed from the position of the victim/survivor of the traumatic wrong-doing.

Two studies were conducted to determine how self-forgiveness and other perpetrator reactions influence the perpetrator and the victim after a romantic relationship transgression. Study 1 used a longitudinal design to determine how guilt and shame predicted the trajectory of self-forgiveness, self-excusing, and self-punishing in participants who had recently been the perpetrator of a romantic relationship transgression. Those experiencing higher guilt at baseline had higher self-forgiveness starting out and those lower on guilt starting out had a greater change in self-forgiveness. Those experiencing more guilt at baseline experienced less change in self-forgiveness over time. Shame was not significantly related to self-forgiveness over time. Those experiencing higher shame at baseline were higher in self-excusing starting out. Those lower on shame starting out had a greater increase in self-excusing over time and those experiencing more shame at baseline experienced less increase in self-excusing over time. Guilt was not significantly related to self-excusing over time. Neither guilt nor shame predicted change in self-punishment over time. In Study 2, couples came into the lab and wrote about the same offense. One participant wrote from the perspective of the perpetrator and the other from the perspective of the victim. Victims reported their forgiveness and perception of their partners’ reactions to wrongdoing. Perpetrators reported their perception of their partners’ feelings of forgiveness and their feelings of self-forgiveness, self-excusing, and self-punishing. Both members reported their relationship satisfaction and commitment. Overall, self-forgiveness by the perpetrator was not a strong predictor of perpetrator satisfaction or commitment. Victims were more satisfied and committed when perceiving self-forgiveness from their partner, even though their partners’ self-forgiveness did not have an effect. Self-forgiveness only positively predicted perpetrators’ satisfaction and commitment when participants reported decisional self-forgiveness. Victims’ perceptions of the perpetrators’ self-excusing and perpetrators’ self-punishing negatively predicted victim commitment and satisfaction. Victims’ perceived perpetrator self-punishing positively predicted perpetrators’ commitment. Perpetrator perceived victim forgiveness and victim forgiveness both positively predicted satisfaction for the perpetrator and the victim. This suggests that perpetrators’ perceptions of victim forgiveness may be more important for the perpetrator than the victim actually forgiving them.

Previous research has suggested that forgiveness of self and forgiveness of others might function differently over the course of addiction recovery. However, we know little about the longitudinal process of these dimensions of forgiveness for individuals addressing alcohol-use disorders. Increased knowledge would inform the content and sequencing of intervention strategies. Three-hundred and sixty four individuals managing alcohol dependence participated in a 30-month longitudinal study, reporting their capacity to forgive self and to forgive others every 6 months. Findings indicated that (a) participants were more forgiving of others than themselves; (b) both types of forgiveness increased over time; (c) forgiveness of self increased more rapidly than forgiveness of others; and (d) while increases in both types of forgiveness predicted increases in the other type, the effect of forgiveness of others on forgiveness of self was twice as strong as the reverse effect. Implications for facilitating forgiveness in treatment are discussed.

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The abundance of forgiveness research has advanced scientific knowledge of the construct. Its multifaceted nature, however, has created specialization and domain-dependent research (e.g., close-relationship vs. non-relationship forgiveness). The current paper argues that a comprehensive framework that could be applied across domains is needed. The general principles perspective (Higgins, 1990, 1999), which identifies mechanisms that explain both chronic and situational variance, was used as a framework for forgiveness, specifically the mechanisms of accessibility and need for closure. Two studies tested the principles, a two-part study (N = 244 and 78, respectively) and an online survey (N = 214). The two-part study tested chronic accessibility for forgiveness (Accessibility Study One) within the context of the religiosity-forgiveness relationship (an area that has previously produced complex and contradictory results) and both the chronic and situational influence of need for closure (Need for Closure Study). The online survey was designed to test both situational and chronic accessibility (Accessibility Study Two) by priming half of the participants with religious words. Students from a large, Mid-Atlantic university participated. For accessibility, it was proposed that religious individuals would have higher chronic accessibility for forgiveness, because of the emphasis religions place on it; similarly, it was proposed that increasing accessibility for religiosity would increase situational accessibility for forgiveness. Results supported a weak, positive relationship between religiosity and chronic accessibility for forgiveness; however, increased accessibility did not relate to likelihood to forgive future transgressions. For situational accessibility, the religious prime did not successfully influence accessibility for religiosity; thus, situational accessibility could not be tested. For need for closure, it was proposed that forgiveness requires some comfort with uncertainty in order to engage in the process. Therefore, chronic need for closure was expected to negatively relate to likelihood to forgive future transgressions. Results replicated this previously found relationship. For situational need for closure, manipulated through perceived time limitations, it was proposed that it would interact with chronic forgiveness to predict likelihood to forgive, because as need for closure increases so too does automaticity. Forgiveness is arguably an automatic response for someone high in chronic forgiveness. Results did not support the interaction effect. In general, the project supported the chronic influence of the principles but did not support the situational. The limitations of the current project necessitate further inquiry for clarification, though some conclusions are suggested. Results suggest that motivations may be more influential than cognitions in forgiveness, that forgiveness research may require more highly contextualized models, and thus that the potential advantages of a comprehensive framework will require more sophisticated theoretical and empirical work. / Ph. D.