On April 26, 2000, Governor Howard Dean of the State of Vermont signed into law the Civil Union bill. The first of its kind in the United States, it extended the rights of marriage to same-sex couples. Holding that the rights of homosexual couples flowed from the Common Benefits clause of the State Constitution, this bill was the result of a contentious judicial and legislative process. Preceding as it did the state and national election contests later in the year, the Civil Union law generated anger, discord, elation and fear. In the year following its passage, Vermonters came to terms with this bill in many ways. This study considers the antecedents and the consequences of this bill.

"Sexual orientation" is increasingly used as a prohibited ground for discrimination. The aim of this thesis is to show that this notion is being challenged both at the theoretical and implementation level. As a ground, "sexual orientation" ought to be replaced by "sex", as meaning the social construction of biological sex, in other words, "gender". / First, this thesis exposes the history of "sexual orientation", and then the problems faced by Canadian and international courts when trying to implement it. "Sexual orientation" is then analysed within the broader perspective of the traditional liberal discourse on minorities. That perspective shows that LGBT communities are submitted to criteria established by the majority, therefore regulating their existence. / Finally, the thesis draws on the analysis of scholars who think that those criteria are, in fact, part of a broader discourse aiming at perpetuating the domination of "male" over "female" and that discrimination of LGBT communities is in fact motivated by "gender".

Thesis (Honors)--College of William and Mary, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-86). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 63 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-61).

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In recent history, the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) persons have been in constant fluctuation. Many states criminalize homosexual behavior while other states legally recognize same-sex marriages and same-sex adoptions. There are also irregular patterns where LGBT interest groups form across the globe. With this research project, I begin to explain why these discrepancies in the treatment of homosexuality and the formation of LGBT interest groups occur. I develop a theory that the most obvious contrast across the globe occurs when analyzing the treatment of homosexuals in OECD member states versus non-OECD countries. OECD nations tend to see the gay community struggle for more advanced civil rights and government protections, while non-OECD states have to worry about fundamental human rights to life and liberty. I find that this specific dichotomization is what causes the irregular LGBT interest group formation pattern across the globe; non-OECD nations tend to have fewer LGBT interest groups than their OECD counterparts. When looking at why non-OECD nations and OECD nations suppress the rights of their gay citizens, I find that religion plays a critical role in the suppression of the gay community. In this analysis, I measure religion several different ways, including the institution of an official state religion as well as the levels of religiosity within a nation. Regardless of how this variable is manipulated and measured, statistical analysis continuously shows that religion’s influence is the single most significant factor in leading to a decrease in both human and civil rights for gays and lesbians across the globe. Further analysis indicates that Judaism plays the most significant role out the three major world religions in the suppression of civil rights for homosexuals in OECD nations.

by Yuen Yun Chou. / Thesis submitted in: December 1997. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-166). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Theoretical Framework / Introduction --- p.5 / New Social Movements --- p.5 / Alberto Melucci's Analytical Framework of Social Movement --- p.14 / Charles Taylor's Interpretative Framework of Human Action --- p.18 / An Interpretative Framework for Social Movement Studies --- p.26 / Objectives of this Study --- p.33 / Methodology --- p.34 / Outline of the Thesis --- p.35 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The History of Hong Kong Gay Men and Lesbians / Introduction --- p.37 / Gay Men and Lesbians: Rise as A Subaltern Group --- p.37 / Hong Kong Gay and Lesbian Groups --- p.46 / Terminology --- p.50 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Gay Self / Introduction --- p.52 / Discovering a Gay Self --- p.52 / Coming out: Living a Gay Life --- p.64 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Interpreting Predicament / Introduction --- p.69 / The Predicament: an Ideal Way of Life --- p.69 / The Predicament: the Concerns --- p.71 / Authenticity and the Perception of Predicament --- p.79 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- The Gay Selves: Entering the Gay and Lesbian Groups / Introduction --- p.81 / Making Sense of Participation --- p.81 / Locating the Process of Collective Identity --- p.98 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- In Search of Authenticity in Everyday Life / Introduction --- p.109 / The Submerged Networks in Everyday Life: the Alternative Space --- p.109 / Everyday Resistance and Accomplishment --- p.120 / The Limited Authenticity in Everyday Life --- p.131 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Conclusion / From “I´ح to “We´ح --- p.135 / The Ideal of Authenticity --- p.148 / The Issue of Identity in Social Movement --- p.151 / Limitation / Appendix / Bibliography

This dissertation is the product of research into white, South African masculinities. It is concerned with the official treatment of white, gay men in this country by the governments of the day from the 1960s to 2000 and the government’s control of hegemonic masculinity in order to maintain power. By looking at gay masculinities the threat to hegemonic masculinity was ascertained as well as the different versions of heterosexual masculinities. This thesis also analyses the degree of change in the toleration or acceptance of white homosexuality in South Africa from churches, society, and elements within the SAP and the SADF as well as within gay organisations. Legislative achievements in the Constitutional Court show the most extreme changes in the perceptions of gay masculinities. This dissertation primarily begins in the 1960s, looking at why it was necessary to set up the 1968 Select Committee. This committee investigated criminalising all male homosexual acts, including those in private and also aimed to dictate societal norms and maintain white, privileged, hegemonic masculinity established and defined by the NP government. The state had always repressed homosexuality through law; even colonial legislation proved this. It was the creation and maintenance of hegemonic masculinity that advocated such legislation. 1966 was the focal year where white homosexuality became a recognisable problem. A gay party was held at a Johannesburg residence, which made white homosexuality visible and alerted the police to this alternative masculinity. The Select Committee, however, did not fulfil its initial aims. Once elements within the SAP were faced with the visibility of white homosexuality, their power thereby being challenged, Major van Zyl set about requesting stricter legislation by proposing amendments to the Minister of Justice regarding the 1957 Immorality Act and submitting evidence to the Select Committee. However, numerous submissions to and interviews by the Select Committee proved that it was unnecessary and illogical to criminalise private homosexuality. Such submissions showed white homosexuality was no societal threat and that some in white society recognised gay masculinities and challenged hegemonic masculinity. Consequently the Select Committee did not propose stricter legislation regarding homosexuality. Furthermore, repressive official treatment of white, male homosexuals was evident in the SADF in the 1970 and 1980s. Through a military perception of masculinity, that is, aggressive masculinity, most in the SADF were intent on conforming its white soldiers to the traditional definition of masculinity, the NP government’s definition of white masculinity, which did not include homosexual men. Dr Levine used electro-shock therapy to ‘cure’ gay conscripts at 1 Military Hospital. This extreme practice of ensuring conformity was no longer utilised by the 1980s and there was also some unofficial acceptance of white homosexuality within the SADF by some white commanders and soldiers. There was no gay liberation movement to speak of until the 1980s. GASA, a white gay organisation, led the movement but it was to be unsuccessful in that it supported the NP government, that is, it benefited from hegemonic masculinity because GASA’s membership was predominantly white men. Because of this GASA was seen to support the government’s policy of apartheid and there ensued the consequent debate between gay essentialism and gay rights as part of the broader struggle. GASA was purely reactionary, because in effect it did not really want change and was therefore ineffective. The gay movement grew but it did not unify. This failure to unify meant the gay liberation movement, as a movement had failed, even though, later, liberation and much change was achieved, mainly through the work of the NCGLE. Like the 1968 Select Committee, the President’s Council was set up in 1985 to once again investigate stricter penalties against homosexuality. The ANC was still very quiet on the issue of gay rights, supporting heterosexist hegemony and not recognising gay masculinities. The President’s Council did not recommend stricter legislation against homosexual men but the 1988 Sexual Offences Act retained the penalties against homosexuality as stipulated by the 1969 Immorality Amendment Act. Gay essentialism damaged any headway regarding gay rights, especially when it came to gaining the support of progressive organisation in the broader political struggle because there was so much in-fighting regarding defining gay masculinities. Race could not be discounted in this equation and the RGO, a black gay organisation, challenged GASA’s support of the NP government. New gay organisations only contributed to the failure of the gay liberation movement because again there was no unity. In 1989 Albie Sachs of the ANC met with a liberal gay organisation, OGLA, and finally gay rights were beginning to be taken seriously, culminating in the protection of gay rights in the 1996 Constitution. This was due to individual members of the ANC and Kevan Botha, the lawyer hired by the NCGLE to represent gay rights at CODESA. Once sexual orientation was retained in the equality clause of the Constitution it was left to the NCGLE to fight for the legal practice of equality for gay men and lesbians. There was also greater toleration and even acceptance of homosexuality by the South African society at large, both black and white, the churches, and the SAP, especially officially. Hence, although the gay liberation movement had failed, gay rights had been entrenched and change allowed for potential equality, the last of which would be legal gay marriage, which remains to be seen. / Prof. L. Grundlingh

This study explored the relationship between voters' political behavior regarding the issue of gay rights and the underlying psychological needs served by their attitudes on this issue. A telephone survey of 100 randomly selected local voters was conducted, during which Herek's (1987) Attitude Functions Inventory (AFI) was administered. Three of the four attitude function subscales (Experiential- Schematic, Social-Expressive and Ego-Defensive) were confirmed using a LISREL confirmatory factor analysis. The Value-Expressive subscale was not confirmed and showed poor reliability. Pro- and anti-gay rights behavior was measured using a Political Behavior Index (PBI) developed for this study. Regression analyses and MANOVAs were employed to test six hypotheses, all of which received some support. Pro-gay rights behavior was associated with ExperientialSchematic attitudes and a Value-Expressive item regarding civil liberties. Anti-gay rights behavior was associated with Ego-Defensive attitudes and a Value-Expressive item regarding moral beliefs. Men scored higher on the EgoDefensive function than did women. Those who knew more gay people were more likely to exhibit Experiential-Schematic attitudes and were less likely to hold Ego-Defensive attitudes. These findings imply that efforts to change anti-gay rights behavior need to address the underlying motivations of Ego-Defense and Value-Expression regarding the construct of moral beliefs. An additional implication is a potential for increasing support for the legal rights of gay people by increasing association with people one knows to be gay.