Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-124). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2005. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references: leaf 264-292.

Thesis (M.A.I.S.)--Oregon State University, 2011. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-135). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Dissertation (Ph.D.)--The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2009. / Directed by Svi Shapiro; submitted to the Dept. of Educational Leadership and Cultural Foundations. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 11, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-165).

Thesis (M.A.)--Concordia University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-104). Also available electronically via World Wide Web in PDF format.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Auckland, 2000. / Embargoed until 25 October 2001.

A Family Values discourse emerged at the beginning of the 20t h century when social welfare groups began to see "the family" as a solution to social problems. As the century ' wore on, the concept of the family came to take on a specific meaning of a heterosexual reproductive unit. During the 1950s a growing Christian Right movement began to lobby for the protection and promotion of the family. These Christian Right groups saw the family as a means of saving the country from the evils of communism and sexual perversions. A few issues came to be seen as of particular importance to the welfare of the traditional family. These issues, abortion, education, pornography and gay rights, among others became centerpieces of the 1990s Pro-Family Movement (PFM) platform within the New Christian Right. The purpose of this study is to examine the use of a Family Values discourse in the negotiation of educational policy around queer issues. In order to study the PFM's use of a Family Values discourse, a documentary analysis of documents surrounding the Surrey Book Banning in British Columbia was conducted. The Book Banning began when a number of teachers and members of Gay and Lesbian Educators (GALE) petitioned the provincial teachers union to include fighting heterosexism and homophobia among its committees for social justice. Following this approval of this resolution, the Surrey School Board, known for its P FM connections) banned GALE materials and three Kindergarten-Grade One books that presented same-sex couples. This banning resulted in an extensive legal battle. For this study, media reports and court documents were assembled to present a comprehensive history of the Book Banning case and its relationship to current gay rights activism and P FM organizations. An argument analysis of the affidavits from the case was also conducted to illustrate the specific Family Values arguments that the Surrey School Board employed. For this analysis, affidavits were divided by author and analyzed for argument content using a standardized argument format. Premise statements within affidavits were pulled out and coded according to common themes. The five argument themes that were explicated were Sexuality in the Home, Age Inappropriate, Favoring Homosexuals, Homosexuality is Immoral, and Unnecessary Resource. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

In this thesis I explore the implications of the extension of 'spousal' status to samesex couples from the perspective of queer people who experience intersectional or complex oppression. This study is grounded in a rejection of the necessity or efficacy of attempting to understanding the oppressions facing queer people from only one perspective. I reject the notion that such a simplistic approach to understanding oppression is conceptually honest. Put simply, I argue that what is often characterised as a purely 'gay and lesbian' approach to reform—namely, the consideration of only oppression related to 'sexual orientation' or 'heterosexism'—is in reality the prioritisation of the limited perspective of those who only experience systemic disadvantage related to their race. These people are a small minority of queer people. Unlike many other academics and activists, I do not conclude with a 'yes' or 'no' response to the question of whether same-sex spousal status should be sought. The analysis presented in this thesis does not permit such a final conclusion for three reasons. First, I argue that the implications of the extension of spousal status vary depending on the institutional context; in other words, the extension of spousal status is very different in the context of social assistance law as compared to the provision of employment-related benefits. Secondly, I argue that the extension of spousal status also varies among queer people; for example, the implications of the extension of spousal status to poor queers are vastly different from those who are wealthy. Thirdly, I argue that the decision to support the extension of spousal status to same-sex couples is inherently political; this decision cannot be immunised from political challenge on the basis that it is derived from some allegedly objective legal or socio-scientific calculus. Although I have endeavoured adopt a inter-disciplinary approach, this thesis does focus on legal rights discourse. To my mind, this focus is appropriate given the emphasis on 'rights talk' and the assumed benefits of formal equality within the community of academics and activists working on queer issues. In various parts of this thesis, I focus on the approaches of activists, academics, judges and legislators to the issue of the rights of queer people and the nature of equality. Ultimately, I conclude that until we begin to appreciate the complexity of the oppressions facing queer people, and avoid the false prioritisation of a 'purely gay and lesbian oppression' perspective, we will be unable to work in coalition or to effect progressive social change. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This is a comparative study between Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan that explores the differences of each society's values and politics to understand their current gay rights record. In light of Taiwan's legalization of marriage equality in 2019, this study compares all three countries to find the differences that possibly caused this progression of gay rights in Taiwan, but not in South Korea and Japan, which are notorious for their apathy toward the LGBTQ community.

The deleterious impact of negative stereotypes toward gays has been established, but less thoroughly examined are the potentially harmful effects that positive stereotypes may carry. Gay Americans lack multiple legal rights enjoyed by heterosexual citizens, yet many people do not see gays as a genuinely disadvantaged group. One possible reason for this is the popular misconception that gays are wealthier than the average American. Drawing on previous research regarding popular support for underdogs, it was predicted that, to the extent people endorsed the conception of gay affluence, they would be less likely to support legal reform benefiting gays. This hypothesis was supported: after controlling for overall homophobia and religiosity, perceiving gays as wealthy negatively predicted support for gay rights. This project also explored what emotional or cognitive mechanisms might influence the predicted relationship. Support was found for both resentment and system justification motivations as potential contributors to the effect.