L’image de l’ « Europe » comme un continent doté de limites inflexibles et indiscutables est largement partagée dans l’opinion publique des pays traditionnellement considérés comme européens. Dans le milieu des années 2000, les débats liés aux référendums sur le Traité Constitutionnel (2004-2005) conduisent pourtant un certain nombre d’acteurs politiques de premier plan à proposer des définitions de ce qu'elle serait ou ne serait pas. Mais plutôt que d'interroger le contenu de cette « Europe au sens large » convoquée dans ces différents discours, la controverse dont se saisissent les politologues et tout un ensemble de chercheurs a souvent l’objectif plus spécifique d’évaluer le caractère européen d’un pays en particulier : la Turquie, alors depuis peu reconnue candidate officielle à l’Union Européenne (UE – 1999). Bien que candidate, celle-ci se trouve tour à tour intégrée puis mise au ban de l’« Europe », du fait d’un supposé déficit d’européanité, pour être renvoyée du côté d’autres catégories régionales comme l' « Asie », le « Moyen Orient » ou le « Monde Musulman ». Cette thèse se saisit alors du paradoxe turc avec l’ambition de décrypter le sens du mot « Europe » dans une perspective géographique. Pour se faire, elle propose une investigation basée sur l’analyse de représentations turques du Monde, d’étudiants du premier cycle universitaire (Licence). Une première analyse de géographie régionale relativement classique, qui permet de fournir quelques éléments de contextes aux représentations analysées, cherche à identifier une région européenne homogène basée sur des indicateurs socio-économiques ou l’analyse de la trajectoire du pays par rapport à cette région sur le temps long. Cette première démarche, néanmoins, ne permet pas d'aboutir à une identification claire de ce qu’est l’« Europe » et suggère que le problème est sans doute profondément ancré du côté des représentations de l'objet qu'elle constitue voire, plus généralement, du Monde. Une deuxième investigation consiste alors à faire émerger le contenu, à la fois sémantique et spatial de l’« Europe », propre à la population d’étude et ce tant au niveau individuel qu'agrégé. De là, s'ensuit une troisième analyse visant cette fois à évaluer la place relative de l’« Europe » dans le Monde et l’éventualité de son déclin en considérant les préférences résidentielles de ladite population. Pour se faire, cette thèse propose une perspective décentrée, construite sur un matériau empirique issu de deux enquêtes de terrain et différentes méthodes de traitements, croisant méthodes d’analyses interprétatives et empiriques. Ainsi, à travers une analyse systémique de différentes formes de représentations, elle devient susceptible de mettre en évidence la singularité d’un regard turc sur le Monde. / The narrative according to which « Europe » is a continent with inflexible and irrefutable limits is a mainstream belief in states traditionally considered as European. However, circa 2004-2005, the debates owed to the European Treaty have seen the introduction of strong statements about what it would or wouldn't be. Though, instead of exploring the issue of a “large scale Europe” from a geographical dimension; the controversy most political scientists and other researchers took hold of was driven by an attempt to decide on the place of Turkey in that region which recently had been recognized an official candidate to EU (1999). As a matter of fact, despite its candidacy, Turkey would remain both part and apart of the region, because of a supposed “europeaness” deficit. Rather it would be expected to be part of other regional categories such as « Asia », the « Middle East » or the « Muslim world ». Thenceforward, through the unique and paradoxical example that is Turkey - focusing on representations of Turkish undergraduate students -, this thesis proposes to decrypt differently what stands for “Europe”, in a geographical perspective. First, this study proposes a classical regional analysis to set up the frame through which we will examine Turkish representations and geographic imaginaries. Yet it also aims to define a homogenous European region based on different classical factors in order to sketch the study's background. Then a long-term analysis of the contemporary Turkish international relations underlines its strong anchorage into European politics and the limits of attempting to define « Europe » through that lens. On the contrary, it leads to consider that the image of a strongly bordered « Europe » may come from people’s representations. Thus, in a second time, the study focuses on the emerging representations - both individual and collective - of a spatial and conceptual definition of « Europe ». Third, it interrogates the attractiveness of European countries relatively to the rest of the World, with the ambition to evaluate its potential “decline”. In a non-Eurocentric perspective, this thesis examines some Turkish way to look at « Europe » by developing two original survey materials built on a mix of interpretative and explicative methods, and a systemic analysis of its results.

No description available.

This is a pioneer and comprehensive study of the political geography of the Red Sea region. Background studies on geopolitics, physical environment, and resources are offered. The thesis is especially concerned with three basic American interests in the Red Sea. Firstly, energy interest: United States deep concern about uninterrupted flow of oil supplies from the Gulf to the former as well as to its Western allies creates an increasing American interest in the Red Sea route, particularly since the Gulf tanker war in 1982. Such interest is clearly seen in United States political, technical, and financial involvement in the Suez Canal (1975) and in the current laying of pipelines from the Gulf to the Red Sea. Disruption of those supplies to the US or its allies may result in American use of force. Secondly, shipping interest: such concern is clearly shown in United States involvement in matters relating to the Suez Canal, the Straits of Bab al Mandeb and Tiran. Freedom of navigation through the Red Sea, especially for Israeli ships, is a major American interest in this respect. United States refusal to sign the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea may involve the former into conflict with some Red Sea States, particularly when American nuclear-powered vessels sail from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean or vice versa. Thirdly, Soviet involvement in Afghanistan, the Gulf war and the resurgence of Islam are becoming increasingly worrying to the US, because such developments are feared as a destabilizing factor to the stability of the oil producing states of the Arabian peninsula, with particular reference to Saudi Arabia, the most important Red Sea state.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2007. / Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Geographical and Earth Sciences, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.

Breaking away from the positivist trend dominating the literature on Moldova’s foreign relations, this thesis analyses the means through which national identity discourses impact on Moldovan societal representation of foreign policy. It contends that national identity perpetuates a Cold War inspired view of foreign affairs. This construction is defined by two main elements, the representation of the civilizational and geopolitical cleavage between East and West and the lack of agency awarded to the Moldovan self. This is achieved through an in-depth study of the national identity debate in Moldova. It focuses on both the two main national identity discourses in Moldova, Romanianism and Moldovanism. For this analysis, I employ a post-structuralist approach, conceptualising national identity as a discourse that helps us make sense of the world. Through this function and its persistence across Moldovan articulations, national identity plays a key role in representations of foreign affairs in Moldova. More specifically, the opposition between Romanianism and Moldovanism reproduces the East-West geopolitical and civilizational cleavage, whilst the representation of Moldovan inferiority, historical debt and the Great Power Complex reiterates Moldova’s passivity and lack of agency. Through this Cold War representation of international affairs, national identity offers both the resources and the limits within which official Moldovan foreign policy articulations function. In this way, national identity is crucial in understanding the mechanisms through which foreign policy is legitimated and, especially, the validity and credibility of certain arguments and the unlikelihood of others.

Thesis deals with the issue of the conceptualization of the post-Westphalia world system by using the New Middle Age theory with focus on its geopolitical aspects. First the theoretical concepts concerning state, sovereignty, and the basis of the neomedievalist world view are tackled. After creating a theoretical tool to assess the appearance of the neomedieval world order we apply the criteria on four selected case studies - Somalia as an example of failed state, Pakistan as failing state, the European Union as a supra-state entity, and the People's Democratic Republic of Korea as a classical example of Westphalia-type state. In the conclusion the four case studies are brought together and our findings lead to the creation of an analytical tool which can be used for understanding basic geopolitical issues of different territories.

From the perspective of China, the OBOR policy does not only represents China's new efforts to integrate deeply into the world, but also can drive economic development of the countries along the route. It is also China's response to the expectations of the international community, demonstrating China's efforts to change the imbalance of world economic development and narrow the development gap between countries. What's more, through the implementation of OBOR policy, China can expand the it's influence in these countries along the OBOR policy and international scope. In some extent, it can also alleviate China's geopolitical and economic stress. At the same time, countries such as India andsome other countries have doubts about the true intentions of China'simplementation of the OBOR policy, causing the OBOR policy and even China to face many obstacles in the implementation of OBOR policy. This thesis attempts to analyze the significance of the OBOR policy to China's geopolitical and economic strategy and study the impact of the OBOR policy on China's geopolitical and economic strategy.

No description available.

何德琦. / 據手稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Ju shou gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 528-569). / He Deqi. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 導論 / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 地緣政治學之涵義 --- p.36 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沿革與定義　 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 理論架構 --- p.46 / 本論 / Chapter 第一篇 --- 宋季襄陽之地緣政治條件 --- p.71 / Chapter 第一章 --- 襄陽地區地理形勢與自然屬性淺釋 --- p.72 / Chapter 第一節 --- 位置、地形與地貌 --- p.72 / Chapter 第二節 --- 氣候概況 --- p.86 / Chapter 第三節 --- 地力與人力資源 --- p.89 / Chapter 第二章 --- 襄陽地區水陸交通與人文景觀綜述 --- p.122 / Chapter 第一節 --- 水道交通 --- p.124 / Chapter 第二節 --- 陸路交通 --- p.148 / Chapter 第三節 --- 交通線上之人文景觀 --- p.167 / Chapter 第二篇 --- 宋人對襄陽國防地位之評價與經營 / Chapter 第一章 --- 宋人對襄陽國防地位之評價　　 --- p.198 / Chapter 第一節 --- 宋人之戰略全局 --- p.199 / Chapter 第二節 --- 進取之考慮´ؤ進圖關陝規復河洛 --- p.214 / Chapter 第三節 --- 防禦之考慮´ؤ遮蔽湖湘彌縫吳蜀 --- p.223 / Chapter 第二章 --- 宋人對襄陽地區之經營　 --- p.244 / Chapter 第一節 --- 城防修繕　 --- p.248 / Chapter 第二節 --- 軍力之部署 --- p.261 / Chapter 第三節 --- 軍糧之囤積 --- p.268 / Chapter 第三篇 --- 蒙古南侵戰畧之分析 --- p.304 / Chapter 第一章 --- 蒙古之戰畧全局 --- p.305 / Chapter 第一節 --- 蒙古之用兵方畧 --- p.305 / Chapter 第二節 --- 蒙古南侵之可能方案 --- p.316 / Chapter 第二章 --- 蒙古之侵襄戰畧 --- p.338 / Chapter 第一節 --- 蒙古對襄陽戰略地位之認識與侵襄戰畧之擬定 --- p.338 / Chapter 第二節 --- 攻襄戰畧之有利條件 --- p.351 / Chapter 第四篇 --- 宋蒙雙方對襄陽之爭奪 --- p.384 / Chapter 第一章 --- 蒙古之部署 --- p.407 / Chapter 第一節 --- 增兵添將 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 築壘長圍　 --- p.413 / Chapter 第三節 --- 後勤補給 --- p.417 / Chapter 第四節 --- 戰略戰術牽制 --- p.421 / Chapter 第二章 --- 宋人之應變 --- p.441 / Chapter 第一節 --- 固守孤城 --- p.441 / Chapter 第二節 --- 千里馳援 --- p.446 / Chapter 第三節 --- 襄樊失陷 --- p.453 / 餘論 / Chapter 第一章 --- 襄陽戰役戰果分析 --- p.471 / Chapter 第一節 --- 襄陽久守而終陷試釋 --- p.471 / Chapter 第二節 --- 襄陽失陷與未亡關係試釋 --- p.491 / Chapter 第二章 --- 結語 --- p.519 / 附錄 / 徵引書目 --- p.528

Thesis (doctoral)--Humboldt-Universität, Berlin, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.