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Au Kurdistan d’Irak, de nombreuses tribus ont toujours participé activement à la vie politique. Cette recherche étudie l’impact de cette organisation tribale sur la situation géopolitique du Kurdistan irakien, ce qui mène à analyser les transformations ayant mené au mode de gouvernance régional (fédéré) récemment mis en place, et donc le lien entre social et politique, société et Etat, tribu et gouvernement. S’appuyant sur de nombreux entretiens, l’étude utilise aussi des concepts issus de plusieurs champs : anthropologie, sociologie, histoire, géopolitique. Après une présentation générale (“Grand Kurdistan” et identité kurde, fait religieux), elle fournit un tableau détaillé des tribus : structure sociale et économique, relations avec le mouvement national et l’Etat, phénomène jash (milices tribales pro-gouvernementales). Elle retrace ensuite les processus politiques ayant conduit de la genèse du mouvement national kurde en Irak à l’émergence récente d’un Gouvernement Régional du Kurdistan (GRK) signe anglais (KRG). Elle analyse enfin les nouvelles perspectives géopolitiques ouvertes par la chute du régime Saddam Hossein en 2003 et la constitution fédérale irakienne de 2005, abordant les conflits entre gouvernements central et régional (gestion des ressources, territoires contestés, statut des peshmerga), et propose en conclusion un tableau des relations présentes des tribus au politique, et en particulier au GRK. / In Iraqi Kurdistan, numerous tribes have always actively participated in political life. This research studies the impact of this tribal organization on the geopolitical situation of Iraqi Kurdistan, which leads to a study of the transformation process leading to the regional (federal), recently set up, mode of governing, and of the link between social and political situations, society and State, tribe and government. Based on numerous interviews, the study also uses concepts from several fields: sociology, anthropology, history, geopolitics. After a general introduction (“Great Kurdistan” and Kurdish identity, including religious fact), it provides a detailed picture of the tribes: social and economic structures, relations with the national movement and the State, jash phenomenon (pro-government tribal militias). It then describes the political processes leading from the genesis of the Kurdish national movement in Iraq to the recent emergence of a Regional Government (KRG). Finally it analyses the geopolitical perspectives brought about by the fall of the regime, and the federal Constitution of 2005, dealing with the conflicts between central and regional governments (resources management, disputed territories, peshmerga status). The conclusion gives a try at a picture of the new relations of Kurdish tribes to the political field, and particularly to KRG.

Thesis deals with the issue of the conceptualization, analysis and understanding of the Balkans after 1991 as a specific geopolitical area in order to examine the proclivity of the region towards conflicts and give general idea of the geopolitical position of the Balkans in local and global context. First, the definition of the Balkans and its borders in physic and politico geographical structure along with the historical definitions and geopolitical position settings and significance prior 1991 are tackled. Then follows the application of the geopolitical theories and concepts on the geopolitical map with the states of the Balkans after 1991 in order to conceptualize the area and thus having a framework for examination and comparison of the territorial changes and geopolitical events that occurred in this historical period as well as for better understanding of strategic significance of internal and external geopolitical position of the Balkans. As a third step follows the explanation and outline of the greater territorial irredentist and geopolitical concepts of the Balkan nation states which have been revived and actualized in the period after 1991 serving as a background and basic platform for their geopolitical agenda. Lastly, the thesis tackles the territorial changes that came as a result of...

This thesis deals with Japanese foreign and security policy through the optics of critical geopolitics, specifically the "geopolitics as culture" notion developed by Gearóid Ó Tuathail. Using this notion as an analytical framework, the development of Japan's foreign and security policy from the establishment of a modern Japanese state till present days is analyzed, with three main concepts being addressed: (1) foreign policy traditions; (2) geopolitical and geostrategic discourses; (3) and strategic and geopolitical culture. For reasons of narrowing the topic down and applying the concept more consistently, one specific element of Japanese foreign and security policy is at the centre of attention: Japan's "maritime identity". The goal of the thesis is to identify and characterize Japan's geopolitical imagination and attempt to determine if and how has this imagination been expressed in the country's security policy with regard to the maritime identity. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Knowledge of a country's national geopolitics is the key to understanding the state in all its political forms. Therefore, this thesis is devoted to the Ukrainian geopolitics of the 20th - 21st century. In it we described the main concepts and opinions of Ukrainian geopoliticians. Our goal was to learn more about the theoretical foundations of Ukrainian geopolitics as it was in the 20th century and to see its further development in the 21st century. We tried to describe as fully as possible the views of Ukrainian geopoliticians and note the peculiarities of their thinking. We also analysed possible factors influencing the geopolitical vision of Ukrainians in the 20th and 21st centuries. This thesis is divided into three major parts and conclusions. The first chapter presents the main geopolitical concepts that emerged in the first half of the 20th century and their classification. In the second chapter, we focused more on those concepts that concerned the Black Sea region. In the third chapter, we presented the main and interesting concepts of Ukrainian geopolitics of the 21st century. Conclusions are an important analytical element of our work

The diploma thesis "The Influence of Agency News from the Czech News Agency on the Content of Foreign News Sections in Periodicals" is focused on the thematic a geopolitical focus of the foreign news sections of Czech national dailies in comparison with the agency service of the Czech Newa Agency (CTK). The thesis strives to answer the question, how similar they are. At the same time, work with sources is compared. The theoretical basis for this thesis lies in the theorie of gatekeeping, news values and agenda setting. Two month-long periods were analyzed in the thesis, with emphasis on the comparability of the work with sources. March 2012, a so-called usual month with no expected events of big importance, was compared to the period between 20 October and 20 November 2012, when presidential elections went on in the United States of America. Three hypotheses were determined; of them, two were confirmed and one partially disproved. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

O objetivo dessa tese é realizar uma análise geopolítica das operações militares empreendidas no primeiro mandato do Governo George Walker Bush, posterior aos ataques terroristas do Onze de Setembro em 2001. Entendemos que as estratégias adotadas nestes eventos foram resultantes do documento Orientação de Planejamento de Defesa produzido pelo Pentágono em 1992, logo após o fim da Guerra Fria. A hipótese que procuramos defender é de que as formulações geopolíticas que orientaram a Doutrina Truman durante a Guerra Fria estão presentes neste documento e foram mantidas como guias para planos de ação ao longo de toda a década de 90 e utilizadas como ferramentas analíticas na grande estratégia do Governo George Walker Bush. Para demonstrar esta hipótese realizamos primeiramente o resgate do pensamento geopolítico de Halford J. Mackinder e Nicholas J. Spykman, em seguida fizemos as conexões das idéias estratégicas existentes em vários documentos que estavam vigentes na década de 90; e por fim, verificamos como estas idéias puderam ser implementadas nas Operações Liberdade Infinita, na Guerra do Afeganistão, em 2001; e Operação Iraque Livre, na Guerra do Iraque, em 2003. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa em fontes primárias apoiadas em documentos originais do Governo dos Estados Unidos e na literatura bibliográfica das obras basilares de Halford. J. Mackinder, Nicholas J. Spykman e Zbigniew Brzezinski para uma análise crítica dos modelos teóricos geopolíticos. / The objective of this thesis is to achieve a geopolitical analysis of the military operations undertaken in the first mandate of George Walker Bush government immediately after the terrorist attacks on september 11th, 2001. It is understood that the strategies adopted in those events were a result of the document Defense Planning Guidance by Pentagon in 1992, right after the end of the cold war. The hypothesis we intend to defend is that the geopolitical formulations that orientate the Truman Doctrine. In the period of the cold war are present in this document and were maintained as guides for action plans during all the decade of 90 and used as analytical tools in the great strategy of George Walker Bush government. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, first of all we performed the redemption of the geopolitical thought of Halford J. Mackinder and Nicholas J. Spykman, followed by connections of the strategical existing ideas in several documents which were in effect in the decade of 90 and we finally verified how those ideas could be implemented in Operation Enduring Freedom in the Afghanistan war in 2001; and Operation Iraq Freedom in the war of Iraq in 2003. The used methodology was a research in primary sources sustained by original documents of The United States of America government and in the bibliografic literature of the basiliary work by Halford J. Mackinder, Nicholas J. Spykman and Zbigniew Brzezinski for a critical analysis of the theoretical geopolitical models.

O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar a projeção geopolítica do Brasil na América Latina, destacando o espaço e posição do país no quadro geoestratégico mundial e sua relação com a integração regional sul-americana. O tema é importante porque embora existam trabalhos sobre a política externa brasileira em escala regional, o debate teórico sobre a relação entre os conceitos de América do Sul e América Latina ainda são raros. A hipótese que procuramos sustentar é a de que o recorte espacial sul-americano adotado pelo Itamaraty é decorrente do projeto brasileiro de ser uma potência regional com vistas a obter um maior protagonismo nos processos decisórios internacionais. Contudo, somente a América Latina, do ponto de vista geopolítico, conta com excedentes de recursos suficientes para gerar poder em escala mundial. Na história recente do Brasil, a América do Sul passou a ser entendida como um espaço mais operacional, do ponto de vista político-diplomático para levar adiante o projeto de liderança regional. Origina-se na ALCSA, lançado pelo presidente Itamar Franco em 1993, logo após a entrada do México no NAFTA e essa diretriz foi mantida ao longo das próximas décadas como uma das linhas de continuidade da política externa brasileira, especialmente no governo Lula, que a materializou com a criação da UNASUL em 2008. A metodologia utilizada foi uma pesquisa qualitativa com base em fontes primárias apoiadas em documentos do Itamaraty e na literatura bibliográfica das obras basilares de Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinder, Mario Travassos e André Martin. Ao final o trabalho contribuiu para a compreensão de que a América Latina é um espaço vital para a projeção mundial do Brasil, sobretudo no contexto do meridionalismo que advoga um sexto player global em torno de um bloco no Hemisfério Sul. Como sugestão de continuidade de pesquisa entendemos que será relevante analisar quais ações da chancelaria brasileira influenciam na formação e no desenvolvimento de um bloco meridional com objetivo de buscar um maior protagonismo internacional do Brasil. As aporias da política externa brasileira sobretudo nos últimos anos estariam, portanto, relacionadas a esta imprecisão geopolítica. / The aim of this work is to analyse Brazilians geopolitical presence in Latin America, highlighting space and position of the country in the global geostrategic board and its relationship with South American regional inclusion. The theme is relevant given that, although works on Brazilian foreign policy on a regional scale exist, the theoretical debate regarding the relationship between the concepts of \"South America\" and \"Latin America\" are still rare. The sought hypothesis is that the South American spatial clipping adopted by Itamaraty is a result of the Brazilian project of becoming a regional power seeking a larger protagonism in international decisive processes. Nevertheless, only Latin America, from the geopolitical perspective, counts on enough resource surpluses to generate global scale power. In Brazilians recent history, South America has begun to be understood as a more operational space, from the political-diplomatic point of view, in order to proceed with the regional leadership project. It was originated in ALCSA, introduced by former president Itamar Franco, in 1993, following Mexicos insertion in NAFTA and this guideline was kept throughout the following decades as one of the continuity lines of Brazilians foreign policy, especially during Lulas presidency, which has materialized it with UNASULs creation, in 2008. The used methodology was a qualitative research based on primary sources backed by Itamaratys documents and bibliographical literature of fundamental works from Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinter, Mario Travassos and André Martin. Finally, the work has contributed to the comprehension that Latin America is a vital space for global projection in Brazil, especially in the meridionalism context, which advocates a sixth global player around a Southern Hemisphere block. As a suggestion of continuity of research, we understand that it will be relevant to analyse which actions from Brazilians chancellery have an influence over the formation and development of a southern block aiming to seek a larger international protagonism in Brazil. The difficulty of the Brazilian external policy, especially in the last years, would be, therefore, related to this geopolitical imprecision.

This thesis analyzes the construction of geopolitical imaginations of Turkey in the post-September 11 era on the basis of critical geopolitics and in the frame of a center (the United States and the European Union)-margin (Turkey) relationship. The dissolving of the relatively stable concepts of the Cold War era by globalization and the demise of the Soviet Union -such as state integrity, sovereignty, inside/outside dichotomy and state identity- has created deterritorialization in the global space of territorial states. However, territorial states have continued to exist via reterritorialization on the basis of new enemies/others/boundaries borrowed from old concepts, narratives and dramas. Following the September 11 attacks, the attempts to construct self/other dichotomy based on the geopolitical imaginations of the globe and Turkey in the US and the EU political circles have changed geopolitical imaginations of Turkey. Their discourses over Turkey have encountered counter-discourse of Turkish policymakers presenting Turkey as a &ldquo / bridge&rdquo / between civilizations to increase the &ldquo / strategic&rdquo / value of Turkey. In this study, taking into consideration the geography as a product of a specific power/knowledge alignment rather than something naturally given to determine foreign policy, the geopolitical (geocultural) imaginations of Turkey are being examined and the power-knowledge relationship is exposed.

The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze Turkish-American relationship from critical perspective. In this study critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policymakers&lsquo / discourses over representations of Turkey. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this dissertation took geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzed the ways in which US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship over time. The study outlined the historical evolution of the concept of the geopolitics since the end of the 19th century in order to reveal the limits of the classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Second, it revealed the ideological roots and the main characteristics of American geopolitical discourse. And third, the study applied critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with respect to how the imagined geography of Turkey and the alliance have been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the US. Cold War, post-Cold War and post-September 11 periods are analyzed in separate chapters of this study. It is also argued in this dissertation that Turkey generally fits the geopolitical design of the United States and that these two countries have cooperated on numerous efforts in different parts of the world both during and after the Cold War. However, in this period the two allies also experienced several problems that display the limits of US geopolitical discourse.