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O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar a projeção geopolítica do Brasil na América Latina, destacando o espaço e posição do país no quadro geoestratégico mundial e sua relação com a integração regional sul-americana. O tema é importante porque embora existam trabalhos sobre a política externa brasileira em escala regional, o debate teórico sobre a relação entre os conceitos de América do Sul e América Latina ainda são raros. A hipótese que procuramos sustentar é a de que o recorte espacial sul-americano adotado pelo Itamaraty é decorrente do projeto brasileiro de ser uma potência regional com vistas a obter um maior protagonismo nos processos decisórios internacionais. Contudo, somente a América Latina, do ponto de vista geopolítico, conta com excedentes de recursos suficientes para gerar poder em escala mundial. Na história recente do Brasil, a América do Sul passou a ser entendida como um espaço mais operacional, do ponto de vista político-diplomático para levar adiante o projeto de liderança regional. Origina-se na ALCSA, lançado pelo presidente Itamar Franco em 1993, logo após a entrada do México no NAFTA e essa diretriz foi mantida ao longo das próximas décadas como uma das linhas de continuidade da política externa brasileira, especialmente no governo Lula, que a materializou com a criação da UNASUL em 2008. A metodologia utilizada foi uma pesquisa qualitativa com base em fontes primárias apoiadas em documentos do Itamaraty e na literatura bibliográfica das obras basilares de Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinder, Mario Travassos e André Martin. Ao final o trabalho contribuiu para a compreensão de que a América Latina é um espaço vital para a projeção mundial do Brasil, sobretudo no contexto do meridionalismo que advoga um sexto player global em torno de um bloco no Hemisfério Sul. Como sugestão de continuidade de pesquisa entendemos que será relevante analisar quais ações da chancelaria brasileira influenciam na formação e no desenvolvimento de um bloco meridional com objetivo de buscar um maior protagonismo internacional do Brasil. As aporias da política externa brasileira sobretudo nos últimos anos estariam, portanto, relacionadas a esta imprecisão geopolítica. / The aim of this work is to analyse Brazilians geopolitical presence in Latin America, highlighting space and position of the country in the global geostrategic board and its relationship with South American regional inclusion. The theme is relevant given that, although works on Brazilian foreign policy on a regional scale exist, the theoretical debate regarding the relationship between the concepts of \"South America\" and \"Latin America\" are still rare. The sought hypothesis is that the South American spatial clipping adopted by Itamaraty is a result of the Brazilian project of becoming a regional power seeking a larger protagonism in international decisive processes. Nevertheless, only Latin America, from the geopolitical perspective, counts on enough resource surpluses to generate global scale power. In Brazilians recent history, South America has begun to be understood as a more operational space, from the political-diplomatic point of view, in order to proceed with the regional leadership project. It was originated in ALCSA, introduced by former president Itamar Franco, in 1993, following Mexicos insertion in NAFTA and this guideline was kept throughout the following decades as one of the continuity lines of Brazilians foreign policy, especially during Lulas presidency, which has materialized it with UNASULs creation, in 2008. The used methodology was a qualitative research based on primary sources backed by Itamaratys documents and bibliographical literature of fundamental works from Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinter, Mario Travassos and André Martin. Finally, the work has contributed to the comprehension that Latin America is a vital space for global projection in Brazil, especially in the meridionalism context, which advocates a sixth global player around a Southern Hemisphere block. As a suggestion of continuity of research, we understand that it will be relevant to analyse which actions from Brazilians chancellery have an influence over the formation and development of a southern block aiming to seek a larger international protagonism in Brazil. The difficulty of the Brazilian external policy, especially in the last years, would be, therefore, related to this geopolitical imprecision.

O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar a projeção geopolítica do Brasil na América Latina, destacando o espaço e posição do país no quadro geoestratégico mundial e sua relação com a integração regional sul-americana. O tema é importante porque embora existam trabalhos sobre a política externa brasileira em escala regional, o debate teórico sobre a relação entre os conceitos de América do Sul e América Latina ainda são raros. A hipótese que procuramos sustentar é a de que o recorte espacial sul-americano adotado pelo Itamaraty é decorrente do projeto brasileiro de ser uma potência regional com vistas a obter um maior protagonismo nos processos decisórios internacionais. Contudo, somente a América Latina, do ponto de vista geopolítico, conta com excedentes de recursos suficientes para gerar poder em escala mundial. Na história recente do Brasil, a América do Sul passou a ser entendida como um espaço mais operacional, do ponto de vista político-diplomático para levar adiante o projeto de liderança regional. Origina-se na ALCSA, lançado pelo presidente Itamar Franco em 1993, logo após a entrada do México no NAFTA e essa diretriz foi mantida ao longo das próximas décadas como uma das linhas de continuidade da política externa brasileira, especialmente no governo Lula, que a materializou com a criação da UNASUL em 2008. A metodologia utilizada foi uma pesquisa qualitativa com base em fontes primárias apoiadas em documentos do Itamaraty e na literatura bibliográfica das obras basilares de Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinder, Mario Travassos e André Martin. Ao final o trabalho contribuiu para a compreensão de que a América Latina é um espaço vital para a projeção mundial do Brasil, sobretudo no contexto do meridionalismo que advoga um sexto player global em torno de um bloco no Hemisfério Sul. Como sugestão de continuidade de pesquisa entendemos que será relevante analisar quais ações da chancelaria brasileira influenciam na formação e no desenvolvimento de um bloco meridional com objetivo de buscar um maior protagonismo internacional do Brasil. As aporias da política externa brasileira sobretudo nos últimos anos estariam, portanto, relacionadas a esta imprecisão geopolítica. / The aim of this work is to analyse Brazilians geopolitical presence in Latin America, highlighting space and position of the country in the global geostrategic board and its relationship with South American regional inclusion. The theme is relevant given that, although works on Brazilian foreign policy on a regional scale exist, the theoretical debate regarding the relationship between the concepts of \"South America\" and \"Latin America\" are still rare. The sought hypothesis is that the South American spatial clipping adopted by Itamaraty is a result of the Brazilian project of becoming a regional power seeking a larger protagonism in international decisive processes. Nevertheless, only Latin America, from the geopolitical perspective, counts on enough resource surpluses to generate global scale power. In Brazilians recent history, South America has begun to be understood as a more operational space, from the political-diplomatic point of view, in order to proceed with the regional leadership project. It was originated in ALCSA, introduced by former president Itamar Franco, in 1993, following Mexicos insertion in NAFTA and this guideline was kept throughout the following decades as one of the continuity lines of Brazilians foreign policy, especially during Lulas presidency, which has materialized it with UNASULs creation, in 2008. The used methodology was a qualitative research based on primary sources backed by Itamaratys documents and bibliographical literature of fundamental works from Friedrich Ratzel, Halford J. Mackinter, Mario Travassos and André Martin. Finally, the work has contributed to the comprehension that Latin America is a vital space for global projection in Brazil, especially in the meridionalism context, which advocates a sixth global player around a Southern Hemisphere block. As a suggestion of continuity of research, we understand that it will be relevant to analyse which actions from Brazilians chancellery have an influence over the formation and development of a southern block aiming to seek a larger international protagonism in Brazil. The difficulty of the Brazilian external policy, especially in the last years, would be, therefore, related to this geopolitical imprecision.

Le Traité de Lisbonne a profondément modifié l’étendue de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne. L’une des modifications les plus importantes qu’il a apportée à l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne relève des objectifs constitutionnels qu’elle doit désormais satisfaire. En effet, l’article 3 §5 du Traité sur l’Union européenne concerne les objectifs internationaux de l’Union. Parmi ces objectifs, l’un d’eux est particulièrement important, d’une part, en ce qu’il traduit un intérêt nouveau de l’Union et, d’autre part, en ce qu’il était inattendu, il s’agit de l’objectif de protection des droits de l’enfant. Le nouveau statut de la protection des droits de l’enfant au sein du droit de l’Union est passé relativement inaperçu et la doctrine s’en est peu fait l’écho.Ce nouvel objectif sur la scène internationale soulève plusieurs questions tenant à l’existence d’outils juridiques permettant sa réalisation ou encore tenant à l’efficacité des mesures adoptées pour protéger les droits de l’enfant au niveau international. Ces différentes problématiques trouvent des réponses, toutefois, la réalisation de cet objectif soulève d’autres difficultés qui poussent à s’interroger sur les limites de l’action européenne et par la même, sur les limites du fonctionnement de l’Union européenne. Les droits de l’enfant sont un domaine particulier car ils emportent des aspects juridiques certes, mais pas seulement. L’Union européenne en décidant d’incorporer leur protection au sein de ses objectifs internationaux, se trouve dans une situation d’équilibriste tout particulièrement au regard de la situation internationale actuelle mêlant conflits armés, crise humanitaire et mouvements migratoires importants. Force est de constater que face à cette situation, l’Union connait de nombreuses difficultés à réaliser cette protection internationale des droits de l’enfant voire même à lui faire une place au sein de son action extérieure. / The Treaty of Lisbon has deeply changed the scope of the external action of the European Union. One of the most important changes it has made to the European Union's external action is the constitutional objectives it now has to meet. Indeed, Article 3 §5 of the Treaty on EU concerns the international objectives of the EU. Among these objectives, one of them is particularly important. Firstly, because it reflects a new interest of the EU and, on the other hand, because it was unexpected: it is the aim of protecting children’s rights. The new status of the protection of children's rights in EU law has been relatively unnoticed and the doctrine has barely relayed it. This new aim on the international scene raises several questions related to the existence of legal tools for its realization or to the effectiveness of the measures adopted to protect children’s rights at an international level. These different issues are answered. However, the achievement of this objective reveals other difficulties that raise issues about the limits of European action and therefore the limits of the functioning of the EU. Children’s rights are a particular matter because they carry legal aspects, of course, but not only. The European Union, by deciding to incorporate their protection into its international objectives, finds itself in a balancing act, particularly in regard of the current international context, which combines armed conflicts, humanitarian crisis and major migratory movements. It is clear that, faced with this situation, there are many difficulties encountered by the EU for the achievement of this aim of protection of children’s right and even in making it a part of its external action.

Abstract: This thesis consists of a case study on textual analysis derived from the European Union database regarding Migration Policy implemented in the year 2015 with new external policies in conjunction to tackle the Migration Crisis (EU15).  The framework of this thesis focuses on the EU:s Migration Agenda’s efficiency with an exemplification of its Member States like Sweden. To identify the obstacles, i.e. the strengths and weaknesses the policy area faces, and the opportunities that can be of benefit from this agendas, if the EU was to encounter another crisis again.      Furthermore, I present previous scholars' research and depict the theories used in this case study which are; securitization, the concepts of Institutionalism: solidarity, and harmonization. Afterwards, I present the current migration policy derived from the European Agenda issued in the year 2015 and also present the document regarding the progress under the European Agenda On Migration (an illustration between the years 2015 → 2018) issued in the year 2018 and illustrate a comparison towards a Member State; Sweden's result on migratory flow derived from the Swedish Migration Agency.       Then, I analyze my observations on these documented agendas by identifying what I observe to be the strengths and the weaknesses, and also justify what I observe can be used as a strategic tool towards the subduing of a future migration crisis if we were to face a migration crisis again in Europe after the 2015 crisis.        Lastly, I conclude my case study with further insight on what I acknowledged from my framework regarding the EU efficacy and characterize some concepts I find essential towards strengthening within the institution. Thus, give commentary on what I would have touched more on, but possibly can be of a benefit for further studies for any scholar interested in the EU Migration Policy.  Keywords:   EU Agenda on Migration Policy, Migration Policy, Security, Mobility,                              EU Migration Crisis 2015,  EU External Policies,                          Integration with non-EU countries.