Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Giessen, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [441]-471).

The Scottish perspective of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 has received limited scholarly attention. The opposite is true of the Union of 1707 and this defining moment, which resulted in the loss of Scottish independence, continues to stimulate debate. The lives of Scottish noblewomen in the years from Revolution to Union have generally been disregarded. This thesis will demonstrate that acknowledging and exploring the experiences of noblewomen augments understanding of this momentous era. Investigating the lives of Scottish noblewomen using their letters to explore how they lived through the Revolution, the ‘ill years’ of King William’s reign, the Darien venture, European war and ultimately the negotiation of Union provides fresh perspectives on the social, economic and political life of Scotland. Recovering the experience of noblewomen engages with a wider process in Scottish history which has transformed understanding in some areas of historical study but has by no means permeated all. Redefining female political activity has illuminated the influence of elite English women in the later eighteenth century. Scottish noblewomen require similar extensive study. The research presented here supports the argument that political analysis alone cannot provide the fullest assessment of this period. Women are revealed as a vital element within social aspects of political manoeuvring and both created and maintained family networks. This research challenges the constricting framework of the public and private dichotomy. It aims to reveal and redefine the responsibilities of noblewomen within an expanded sphere of activity and suggests a much more inclusive role for women than has previously been considered. The formation of a British parliament in 1707 reduced the number of Scots parliamentarians and changed the role of the governing elite in Scotland but did not diminish Scottish women’s influence and participation. This thesis argues that Scottish noblewomen operated with autonomy within patriarchal parameters to support menfolk, exert authority and in some cases wield influence. Demonstrating their roles, abilities and a new form of social politics at work in Scotland is a vital part of understanding the post Union period and the development of British politics.

The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Title from screen (viewed on August 27, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason Kelly. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-113).

This study examines ways in which supporters of William III and his opponents used literature to buttress their respective views of government in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. Understanding the polemical character of this art provides more insight both into the literature of the 1690s and into the modes of political debate in the period. As the English people moved from a primarily hereditary view of monarchy at the beginning of the seventeenth century to a more elective view of government in the eighteenth century, the Glorious Revolution proved to be a watershed event. Those favoring James II relied on patriarchal ideas to characterize the new regime as illegitimate, and supporters of the coregent asserted the priority of English and Biblical law to assert that the former king forfeited his right to rule. Chapter one examines three thinkers – Robert Filmer, John Milton, and John Locke – whose thought provides a context for opinions expressed in the years surrounding William of Orange’s ascension to the English throne. In chapter two, John Dryden’s response to James II’s abdication is explored. As the deposed Poet Laureate and a prominent voice supporting of the Stuart line, Dryden sheds light on ways in which Jacobites resisted the authority of the new regime through his response to the Glorious Revolution. Chapter three addresses the work of Thomas Shadwell, who succeeded Dryden as Laureate, and Matthew Prior, whose poetry Frances Mayhew Rippy characterizes as “unofficial laureate verse.” These poets rely on ideas similar to those expressed by Milton and Locke as they seek to validate the events of 1688-1689. The final chapter explores the appropriation of varied conceptions of government in pamphlets and manuscripts written in favor of James II and William III. Focusing on the polemical character of these works from the late 1680s and the 1690s enhances our understanding of the period’s literature and the prominent interaction of politics and writing.

No description available.

Le terme de guerre de religion apparaissait déjà sporadiquement à la fin du XVIe siècle. Il se trouva de façon accrue dans les imprimés de l’époque de la Guerre de Trente Ans. Cependant, une discussion élargie sur ce phénomène ne s’établit qu’au seuil du XVIIIe siècle. La guerre de religion ne devint qu’à cette époque-là un mot-clé politique. L’idée de guerre de religion ne gagna son importance historiographique que dans le débat politique contemporain. Le but de cette étude est de répondre à la question de savoir comment s’est établie une conception, comment est née une image historique (Geschichtsbild), comment enfin a été délimitée l’époque de la guerre de religion. La présente étude se restreint aux trois foyers de conflits confessionnels essentiels pour le débat sur la guerre de religion : la France, l’Angleterre et le Saint-Empire Romain Germanique. Elle s’élargit en même temps à l’échelle européenne en étudiant l’influence décisive qu’eut la perception des dernières grandes guerres de Louis XIV. Aussi bien la Guerre de Neuf Ans que la Guerre de Succession d’Espagne furent perçues comme des guerres de religion. La propagande imprimée de Louis XIV et des alliés ses ennemis y contribua largement en cherchant à rendre légitimes leurs politiques respectives. Ainsi la France et les guerres de Louis XIV eurent-elles un rôle déterminant dans la discussion sur la guerre de religion – qui paraissait impensable sans la personne et la politique du roi de France. Le lien entre guerre de religion et politique internationale aboutit à l’européanisation du débat sur la guerre de religion. / The notion of religious war emerged for the first time at the end of the 16th century. The use of this term increased immensely during the time of the Thirty Years’ War via printed media. Yet, a widespread discussion of the phenomenon only started towards the end of the 17th century. War of religion became a constant political keyword. The idea gained its historiographical importance through its usage in the actual political debate. The aim of this research is to question the development of the concept of religious war, the underlying perception of history and the labelling of an era with this term. The thesis will confine itself to three territories where in the late 17th and early 18th century examples of confessional conflicts were intertwined with the debate on religious wars: France, England and the Holy Roman Empire. The scope of the study is, nevertheless, widened to the European arena by examining the decisive influence the last wars of Louis XIV had on the perception of religious wars. In fact, both the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Spanish Succession were perceived by contemporaries as wars of religion. The printed propaganda of Louis XIV as well as that of his allied enemies contributed largely to this perception by legitimising their respective politics. Thus, France and the wars of Louis XIV had a shaping role of the discussion on religious wars. In sum, the connection of confessional conflicts, international politics and the personality of the French king led to the Europeanisation of the debate on religious war.

No description available.

No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Centered around the accounts of two women—Mary Aubry, a French Catholic midwife living in London, who was burned at the stake for murdering her abusive husband, and Queen Mary of Modena, the Italian Catholic wife of James II, who allegedly tried to pass off an imposter child as her legitimate heir in the so-called “warming pan scandal,” this is a study of murder, deceit, betrayal, paranoia, and repression in seventeenth-century England. The stories of the two Marys are both stories of palpable anxiety. Though the two women bear little resemblance at first glance, they were rumored to have conspired to guarantee a male heir for James II by any means necessary. According to the London gossips, these women were willing to betray, and even kill their husbands in the case of Mary Aubry, to protect their secret plot to perpetuate a line of Catholic princes in England. Though there was little evidence to substantiate this rumor and it quickly disappeared in media accounts, these two women continued to inspire vitriolic attacks from the London press that reveal strikingly similar public concerns. Their stories struck chords of fear within audiences in late seventeenth century England that knew their entire world was threatened. Endangered by a king, James II—who appeared determined to reinstitute Catholicism in England, who showed a penchant for absolutist policies, and who seemed to have fallen into the orbit of the domineering Louis XIV—the public’s apprehension and fear was only heightened by these stories. Just as unnerving as the fears about absolutism, Catholicism and foreign domination was the specter of internal collusion that endangered not simply the political and religious spheres of English Protestant society, but also social and familial hierarchies as well. To much of late seventeenth century English society, the two Marys represented all that was wrong with the world. They were traitors to their families, traitors to the nation, and traitors to the divine. / indefinitely