The Indian New Deal of the 1930s changed official policy from assimilationist attitudes to acculturation on the reservation and an emphasis on tribal culture. John Collier's program included self-determination in tribal matters and advancements in health, education, and the economy. Despite improvements in these areas, many critics charged that Collier's administration increased bureaucracy and hampered Indian attempts at decision making. The American Indian Federation, one of Collier's most relentless critics and a group with extreme right-wing, Fascist connections, succeeded in publicizing the Indian Bureau's deficiencies but failed to gain many followers among Indians. Native Americans appeared oblivious, puzzled, or overtly hostile to this group which undermined its own efforts with its blatant racism, anti-Semitism, and un-American attitudes which struck at the very heart of American Indian patriotism. This deep-seated patriotism, manifested in World War II by a ninety-nine percent registration for the draft, accompanied a resurgence of tribal sovereignty as Indians demanded the right to refuse to enlist. Based on government violation of treaty rights, this refusal emerged as a philosophical argument, because Native Americans enlisted in numbers comparable to their white peers. Politicians critical of the Indian New Deal exploited the Indian war effort to push their own agenda of reversing the Indian Reorganization Act. The enormous wartime sacrifices and contributions offered by civilian Indians further convinced the public and politicians that Native Americans no longer needed supervision. In postwar America Indians who had willingly given labor, resources, and finances found that their role in America's war would be all too easily forgotten. The Indian veteran and his civilian counterparts soon realized that their fight for freedom did not end in Europe or in the Pacific. When they returned to their homes and encountered injustices which had always existed, Native Americans refused to passively accept these situations. In the 1940s American Indians asserted their rights and began the fight for equality which would continue for the next three decades.

This dissertation contrasts the development of Indian and non-Indian water development. Indian water rights, although based upon long-standing legal principles, have had a minimal impact on the actual development of Indian water resources. As a result, Indian water resources remain largely undeveloped. In contrast, non-Indian water development has proceeded at a rapid pace. A tripartite alliance of congressional subcommittees, federal agencies, and water user interest groups have provided the political support for continued high-level funding for non-Indian water projects. In the American west, where water must be diverted to be used, Indians and non-Indians are competitors for both water and water projects. Until recently Indians could not compete effectively in the political milieu of water policy. However, changes in approach, methods, and political conditions have made Indian tribes more competitive in the struggle for water rights and water projects.

本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中，国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时，也以此为主题，分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中，如何做出反应。 / 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下，用权力和空间这样的核心概念，来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系，从而来推出在中国国家话语下，现代化的实践，农民所采取的各种应对方式，不是以挑战国家权威，或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系，而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对，也不是完全地接受，农民往往是在更为理性的层面，根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对，有些是明显且看得见的应对，有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以，完全用农民本来就要反对国家，或者说，农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系，显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 / 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案，从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案，来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中，政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语，而从对农民有好处，帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语，来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下，用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之，整个论文以田野调查为方法，着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略，同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 / This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. / Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. / By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. Overall the thesis uses ethnographic approach to highlight the local politics of development and the people's tactics of resistance as well as the complex relationship between the state and the people. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬建福. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-205) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ma Jianfu. / l摘要 --- p.1 / ABSTRACT --- p.3 / 致谢 --- p.4 / 地图 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图一 --- 调研省份宁夏在中国版图中的位置 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图二 --- 宁夏地图及各市县分布（来源：来自矢量地图） --- p.6 / Chapter 地图三 --- 海原县在整个宁夏的地理位置（来源：谷歌截图自己制作） --- p.7 / Chapter 地图四 --- 本文研究调查点分布 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导言 --- p.9 / 引言 --- p.9 / 研究主题与研究问题 --- p.18 / 相关理论与研究范围 --- p.24 / 研究地点 --- p.40 / 研究方法 --- p.45 / 论文的结构与框架 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二章 --- 海原县的现代化历程：民族志的视角 --- p.50 / 引言 --- p.50 / 走进“现代化的海原 --- p.56 / 历史话语中的现实映射：一个需要开发和搬迁的地方 --- p.59 / 天灾人祸与故土难离：地震灾难后的记忆 --- p.62 / “现代化的历史过程 --- p.70 / 国家框架下的居民：回民、汉族 --- p.72 / 三种权力体系下的社会组织 --- p.77 / 本章小结 --- p.78 / Chapter 第三章 --- 社区移植的发展与政治 --- p.80 / 引言 --- p.80 / 县城的变化 --- p.81 / 搬进县城的人 --- p.86 / 在县城与农村之间 --- p.95 / 另类迁移：一切为了孩子？ --- p.99 / 本章小结 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四章 --- 面子工程、发展与民众应对 --- p.107 / 引言 --- p.107 / 面子工程：建在店面门前的围护墙 --- p.109 / 面子工程：一个“拆字千家泪 --- p.115 / 面子工程：刷了颜色的墙 --- p.121 / 本章小结 --- p.124 / Chapter 第五章 --- 县城搬迁、发展与民众应对 --- p.126 / 引言 --- p.126 / 县城搬迁前的故事：作为发展的解释 --- p.130 / 搬迁与应对：弱者武器的施展 --- p.139 / 善后处理：带头者的拘留 --- p.150 / 本章小结 --- p.152 / Chapter 第六章 --- 宗教与民众应对 --- p.155 / 引言 --- p.155 / 在农村与城市之间：进退两难的回族人 --- p.155 / 王井新村的生活：没有清真寺的应对 --- p.162 / 新农村建设中的宗教应对 --- p.164 / 国家治理与共谋：宗教领袖的安抚和提升 --- p.171 / 老少边穷与回族身份：农民应对的工具 --- p.173 / 教主与信众：权力利用与关系应对 --- p.175 / 本章小结 --- p.177 / Chapter 第七章 --- 总结 --- p.180 / 现代化与发展的政治逻辑 --- p.181 / 国家主导下的空间生产与社会关系的重构 --- p.182 / 权力与国家治理：代理人的作用 --- p.184 / 变化不断的现代化：社会关系的重塑 --- p.186 / 治理与应对的人类学反思 --- p.189 / 空间生产与权力形塑社会关系 --- p.193 / 治理术、国家与民众 --- p.194 / 参考文献 --- p.196 / [中文文献] --- p.196 / [英文文献] --- p.198

謝曉輝. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 242-252). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 242-252). / Xie Xiaohui.

When the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission tabled Bringing them home, its report into the separation of indigenous children from their families, it was criticised for failing to consider Indigenous child welfare within the context of contemporary standards. Non-Indigenous people who had experienced out-of-home care also questioned why their stories were not recognised. This thesis addresses those concerns, examining the origins and history of the welfare systems of NSW and Tasmania between 1880 and 1940. Tasmania, which had no specific policies on race or Indigenous children, provides fruitful ground for comparison with NSW, which had separate welfare systems for children defined as Indigenous and non-Indigenous. This thesis draws on the records of these systems to examine the gaps between ideology and policy and practice. The development of welfare systems was uneven, but there are clear trends. In the years 1880 to 1940 non-Indigenous welfare systems placed their faith in boarding-out (fostering) as the most humane method of caring for neglected and destitute children, although institutions and juvenile apprenticeship were never supplanted by fostering. Concepts of child welfare shifted from charity to welfare; that is, from simple removal to social interventions that would assist children's reform. These included education, and techniques to enlist the support of the child's family in its reform. The numbers of non-Indigenous children taken into care were reduced by economic and environmental measures, such as payments to single mothers. The NSW Aborigines Protection Board dismissed boarding-out as an option for Indigenous children and applied older methods, of institutionalisation and apprenticeship, to children it removed from reserves. As non-Indigenous welfare systems in both states were refined, the Protection Board clung to its original methods. It focussed on older children, whilst allowing reserves to deteriorate, and reducing the rights of Aboriginal people. This cannot simply be explained by race, for Tasmania did not adopt the same response. This study shows that the policies of the Aborigines Protection Board were not consonant with wider standards in child welfare of the time. However, the common thread between Indigenous and non-Indigenous child removal was the longing of children and their families for each other.

The Coast Reservation of Oregon was established under Executive Order of President Franklin Pierce in November, 1855, as a homeland for the southern Oregon tribes. It was an immense, isolated wilderness, parts of which had burned earlier in the century. There were some prairies where farming was possible, but because the reservation system itself and farming, particularly along the coast, were unknown entities, life for the Indians was a misery for years. Those responsible for the establishment of the reservation were subject to the vagaries of the weather, the wilderness, the Congress, and the Office of Indian Affairs. Agents were accountable, not only for the lives of Oregon Indians, but also for all of the minute details involved in answering to a governmental agency. Some of the agents were experienced with the tribes of western Oregon; others were not. All of them believed that the only way to keep the Indians from dying out was to teach them the European American version of agriculturalism. Eventually, if possible, Oregon Indians would be assimilated into the dominant culture. Most agents held out little hope for the adults of the tribes. This thesis lays out the background for the development of United States Indian policies. European Americans' ethnocentric ideas about what constituted civilization became inextricably woven into those policies. Those policies were brought in their infant stage to Oregon. Thus, the work on the reservations was experimental, costing lives and destroying community. How those policies were implemented on the Coast Reservation from 1856-1877 concludes this study. / Graduation date: 2000 / Best scan available for photos. Original is a black and white photocopy.

The ways of organizing political problem solving in society are not static. A pluralistic dynamic society requires a continious reconsideration and adaption of its political in­stitutions, i.e. political institutionalization. Institutiona­lization demands prior organizing activities among actors for political aims. Organizing activities can be seen both inter­nally, externally or between existing organisations and in­stitutions . The degree of institutionalization reflects the organizing activities' survival capacity. The higher the degree of in­stitutionalization the more likely it is that the organizing activity will become a formally based organisation or institu­tion, or will change the dominating values of organisations or institutions. The degree of institutionalization is discussed using the concepts of adaptability, complexity, autonomy and flexibility. The thesis represents a problem-oriented implementation approach where individuals' joint ways of organizing problem- solving are the basis for analysis of both policy-realization and political institutionalization. Policy is defined as ideas and the ways of creating institutional arrangements in order to realize them. A "policy-problem", defined as the empirical question answered by examining the process of institutionali­zation, is used to study the policy-processes in the field of occupational safety and health. The ways in which individuals collectively organize in order to create a good working environment are studied using the concept of implementation structures. These are defined as phenomenological administrative units of analysis, i.e. groups of individuals empirically judged to take part in solving the policy problem. / digitalisering@umu

Since the late 1990s, local governments in China have been relying heavily on land, which is a state-owned asset in urban area, to generate a significant amount of extra-budgetary revenue. Whilst this striking phenomenon has attracted numerous academic attentions, not many literatures shed the light on the process of central-local interactions. Adopting the procedural approach, this study examines the central-local fiscal and policy relations in the context of land finance. Taking the evidence from Guangdong province, this study understands the central-local relations as a process of policy interactions. After the central’s attempt to recentralize the fiscal resources of local governments in the mid-1990s, localities have been facing fiscal stress, which led them to rely heavily on land conveyance income, an extra-budgetary revenue in order to complement the fiscal shortage in budgetary account. However, a series of socioeconomic consequences of local fervent land development have attracted frequent central interventions. The most noticeable example is the housing macro-regulations introduced in light of the soaring housing prices. The example of the housing macro-regulations rejected the classic centrist model of the central-local relations in China, which implies a zero-sum game. On the contrary, in face of an issue influencing the conflicting core interests of both actors, both the powers of central and local governments were intensified to the extent that no one single actor will totally win over another. The powers of the central and local governments were also mutually transformed in the course of the game. It is argued that local governments display a sense of resistance against the central interventions as they have strong interests in land and real estate industry after tax sharing reform. On the other hand, it is unlikely for the central government to give concession to local governments as the failure to alleviate the consequences of land finance may cause public discontent and even political crises. The possible outcome is either a “win-win” situation or loss for both actors. To avoid a negative-sum outcome, collaboration and compromise are recommended. The centre is urged to address the root problem of misalignment of revenue and expenditure and to institutionalize the relationship between the centre and subnational governments. / published_or_final_version / China Development Studies / Master / Master of Arts in China Development Studies

No description available.

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, 2001.