Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 211-222). Also available on the Internet.

In recent years, interest in the relations between government and NGOs and the implications of these relations for service delivery in developing countries has surged. This results from the increasing role of NGOs in many facets of development, especially in service delivery and poverty reduction. However, the focus of attention especially among researchers has been on the relations between central government and NGOs. Relations between local government and NGOs have received limited research attention, especially in developing country contexts. To contribute to opening the black box created as a result of the limited research interest, this study investigates the nature, driving forces and the implications of the relations between local government and NGOs for poverty reduction programme implementation in Ghana. The study adopts a qualitative research methodology, a multi-dimensional classification regime and a New Institutional Theoretical lens to investigate the phenomena. The study was conducted adopting semi-structured interviews and mini focus ground discussions; documentary reviews; and participant observations as the key data collection tools to document the nature, driving forces and the implications of local government and NGO relations in Ghana. This study establishes that the relations between local government and NGOs in Ghana are complex but fit into a four-dimensional classification typology of superficial and suspicious cordiality; tokenistic collaboration; friendly foes; and convenient and cautious partnerships. This typology is novel as previous studies have not classified the relations in this way. Further, it finds that a complex mix of forces drive the relations but in different directions - constraining and facilitating directions - contrary to conventional arguments that institutional isomorphic forces drive organisation into homogenisation. It adds that both the positive and the negative forces can be either beneficial or detrimental for poverty reduction programme implementation. In addition, the study establishes that the relations have more diverse implications for poverty reduction programme implementation than just the economic and efficiency arguments dominant in the extant literature. The relations have implications which are social, cultural, organisational, personality and political.

Over the past two decades, aboriginal peoples in Canada have become involved in the process of constitutional revision. As they became engaged in constitutional debates, aboriginal peoples developed a discourse that centred on historic rights, past injustices, and differences from the broader Canadian community. New terms and concepts which described these identities were introduced into constitutional language. An analysis of the testimony of the national aboriginal organizations before Special Joint Committees on the Constitution and the transcripts of the First Ministers' Conferences on Aboriginal Constitutional Matters reveals how aboriginal peoples attempted to reshape the political world through the Constitution. Aboriginal discourse has highlighted the role of the Canadian Constitution as an emblem of status and inclusion in Canadian society. Aboriginal peoples have sought recognition in the Constitution as a way to improve their status and gain symbolic admission into the Canadian state. However, they have sought inclusion according to their own narratives of their history, identity, and aspirations. These separate identities have been reflected in the words they have chosen to describe themselves and their relationship to the Canadian state. Aboriginal constitutional language has served to develop aboriginal identities and alter the terms of Canadian constitutional discourse. The discourse reveals some of the problems posed by aboriginal use of terms such as nation, sovereignty and rights, both for aboriginal and Canadian political leaders. Ultimately, the discourse poses new challenges to concepts of shared Canadian citizenship and identity. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

When the Metis were included in section 35 of the Constitution Act 1982, Metis leaders were euphoric. With the constitutional recognition of the Metis as on of the three Aboriginal peoples of Canada and the protection of Metis Aboriginal rights in section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, it was thought that the battle for recognition was over. Surely the next step would be the federal government's recognition of its jurisdiction for the Metis and the recognition by the courts and the Crown that Metis have Aboriginal rights that can be exercised along with those of the Indians and the Inuit. But Metis expectations were short lived. More than twenty years later, Canada refuses to recognize it has legislative jurisdiction for the Metis, arguing that Metis are a provincial legislative responsibility. And both the federal and provincial governments have failed to conduct themselves in keeping with the principle of the "honour of the Crown" because they consistently deny that Metis have Aboriginal rights. Whenever Metis harvesters attempt to exercise their rights, the Crown is there as a game warden, prosecutor or jailor, but never as a fiduciary to maintain the Crown's honour. The Crown often argues that without a clear understanding of Metis definition and identity, Metis Aboriginal rights would be too difficult to administer. More importantly, the Crown has argued that if Aboriginal rights are linked with pre-contact customs practices and traditions, the Metis could not possibly meet the Aboriginal rights test that has been established by the courts. But then came the decision in R. v. Powley making it clear that the Metis are a distinct people, separate from the Indians and the Inuit, with Aboriginal rights flowing from the customs, practices and traditions of Metis communities that emerged subsequent to the period of first contact, and prior to the exercise of "effective control" by the Crown. The Supreme Court of Canada found in favor of Powley by using a "purposive" approach in the analysis of Metis Aboriginal rights and by not mechanically applying the section 35 justification analysis. The purpose of this thesis is to develop a core set of principles that can be used as a framework for a purposive analysis of Metis Aboriginal rights. The principles support the propositions that: Metis fall within the exclusive legislative jurisdiction of the federal government; that Metis have Aboriginal rights that are recognized and affirmed by section 35; and, that Metis Aboriginal rights are immunized from the application of provincial wildlife regulations because of the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

Metlakatla, British Columbia, an 'isolated' missionary village, was established in 1862 by William Duncan, an Anglican missionary, and a group of Tsimshian on the Northern Northwest Coast. The village was widely praised for its success in 'civilizing' its group of Northwest Coast Native people, but, by 1880, was plagued by turmoil between Duncan and Church and government authorities. The turmoil in Metlakatla, B.C. led to an unprecedented move when, in 1887, Duncan and the majority of the villagers relocated to Annette Island in Southern Alaska. Along with this move to United States jurisdiction came shifts in the construction and representation of the colonial project at Metlakatla. Metlakatla, B.C., represented as a model village of equal and subordinate workers, was full of internal fractures which could be viewed through disjunctures among the various representations of the site. With the move to Alaska, the representations of Metlakatla, once constructed in the vein of homogeneous worker's housing promoted in England during the era of Evangelical reform, shifted to present a middle class, American village which participated in capitalism and leisure activities. This thesis attempts to link the shifting representations of the colonial project of Metlakatla to both local and broader political movements. The shifts correspond to changing views toward the Indian and assimilation, shifts from a Canadian/British terrain to an American one, changing notions of the worker and emerging fears of communism, and shifts in the technology used to capture photographic representations of the site. In addition to these broad trends, the shifting constructions of the community of Metlakatla may have corresponded to the navigation of a very specific Alaskan political terrain and to changing dynamics within the community. Thus, through an examination of the visual representations of Metlakatla, B.C. and Metlakatla, Alaska, this thesis attempts to complicate the understanding of this well known colonial project on the Northern Northwest Coast. In addition, by relating these images to the broader political climate with which the site was engaged, the paper shows fractures within the community and possible explanations for the dramatic transition in the representation of Metlakatla in its second setting in the United States. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

Yes / Since the cessation of conflict in 2002, Sierra Leone has experienced extraordinary levels of involvement from Western donors. Paradoxically, while relationships are often portrayed on the ground as strong with significant donor influence, our research shows considerable fluidity in individual and institutional relationships. The article disaggregates donor-government relations at various levels over a short but crucial period, 2010-16, asking in each case who occupies the driving seat. In so doing, the article interrogates the concept of ‘extraversion’, investigating to what extent government - and indeed donors - has space in which to manoeuvre and how and why government and donors act as they do in this space. The period 2010-16 is of particular interest due to extreme iron ore price volatility and the Ebola epidemic of 2014–15. The article adds much-needed critique and empirical evidence to the debate on donor influence and ‘extraversion’.

楊小輝. / 稿本 (電脑打印本) / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1990. / Gao ben (Dian nao da yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-142). / Yang Xiaohui. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1990. / 鳴謝 --- p.I / 論文撮要 --- p.II / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一. --- 改革時期中央與地方的關係 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 改革前高度集中的政治体制 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 權力下放 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 中央的控制與間歇性的緊縮 --- p.3 / Chapter 4. --- 地方政府的角色 --- p.3 / Chapter 5. --- 特殊政策下的廣東省 --- p.4 / Chapter 二. --- 研究焦點 --- p.5 / Chapter 三. --- 硏究方法 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 省级政府的角色--分析的角度 --- p.7 / Chapter 一. --- 中央的控制能力 --- p.7 / Chapter 1. --- 相去甚遠的評價 --- p.7 / Chapter 2. --- 規範性、獎賞性和強制性的力量 --- p.8 / Chapter 3. --- 行政效率與最後服從 --- p.8 / Chapter 4. --- 低下的行政效率 --- p.10 / Chapter 5. --- 最後控制能力和大一统局面 --- p.11 / Chapter 6. --- 矛盾的現實 --- p.11 / Chapter 二. --- 省级政府的角色 --- p.13 / Chapter 1. --- 中央與地方的矛盾 --- p.14 / Chapter 2. --- 省级政府 --- p.14 / Chapter 3. --- 政治中間人 --- p.15 / Chapter 4. --- 政策範疇的取向性 --- p.16 / Chapter 三. --- 模糊政治時期 --- p.16 / Chapter 1. --- 痛苦的學習 --- p.16 / Chapter 2. --- 政策的模糊 --- p.17 / Chapter 3. --- 政策的搖擺 --- p.19 / Chapter 4. --- 模糊政治的影響 --- p.20 / Chapter 四. --- 省级政府的自主行為 --- p.21 / Chapter 1. --- 兩種研究方向 --- p.21 / Chapter 2. --- 地方自主和自主行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 3. --- 議價行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 4. --- 偏差行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 五. --- 小結 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三章 --- 廣東的特殊政策和靈活措施 --- p.28 / Chapter 一. --- 改革前的廣東 --- p.28 / Chapter 二. --- 特殊政策 --- p.29 / Chapter 1. --- 中央主動放權 --- p.29 / Chapter 2. --- 只給政策不給錢的改革 --- p.30 / Chapter 3. --- 陰晴不定的特殊政策 --- p.30 / Chapter 三. --- 改革帶來的變化 --- p.31 / Chapter 1. --- 寬鬆的政治氣氛 --- p.31 / Chapter 2. --- 高速發展的經濟 --- p.32 / Chapter 3. --- 珠江文化 --- p.33 / Chapter 四. --- 三屆省级領導 --- p.33 / Chapter 1. --- 過渡時期 --- p.34 / Chapter 2. --- 飛躍的發展 --- p.34 / Chapter 3. --- 艱難的行進 --- p.35 / Chapter 五. --- 小結 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 政策制定過程中的討價還價 --- p.38 / Chapter 一. --- 改革時期的議價行為 --- p.38 / Chapter 1. --- 高層領導人遊移的立場 --- p.38 / Chapter 2. --- 討價還價的方式 --- p.40 / Chapter 3. --- 討價還價的領域和事件 --- p.42 / Chapter 4. --- 討價還價的策略 --- p.43 / Chapter 5. --- 討價還價的資源與成效 --- p.45 / Chapter 二. --- 個案一：外貿換匯成本之爭 --- p.48 / Chapter 1. --- 外匯包干政策的産生 --- p.49 / Chapter 2. --- 出口換匯成本 --- p.49 / Chapter 3. --- 虧損加劇 --- p.50 / Chapter 4. --- 談判提高換匯成本 --- p.50 / Chapter 三. --- 個案二 ：國發二十五號文件 --- p.51 / Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.54 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治範疇中的偏差行為 --- p.56 / Chapter 一. --- 政治範疇的政策 --- p.56 / Chapter 1. --- 敏感的政治領域 --- p.57 / Chapter 2. --- 政治政策與地方利益 --- p.57 / Chapter 3. --- 鬆緊交錯的政治氣候 --- p.58 / Chapter 4. --- 政治緊縮對廣東的影響 --- p.58 / Chapter 二. --- 個案三：“六四´ح事件前後的政治表現 --- p.59 / Chapter 1. --- 簡單的背景 --- p.60 / Chapter 2. --- 危機中的廣東政府 --- p.61 / Chapter 三. --- 有限的缓衝作用 --- p.69 / Chapter 第六章 --- 經濟範疇中的偏差行為 --- p.73 / Chapter 一. --- 偏差行為的分類 --- p.73 / Chapter 1. --- 地方的土政策 --- p.74 / Chapter 2. --- 先斬後奏 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鑽政策空子 --- p.76 / Chapter 4. --- 有限度闖紅燈 --- p.77 / Chapter 5. --- 消極執行與鼓勵靈活變通 --- p.78 / Chapter 二. --- 周期性的發展與收縮 --- p.80 / Chapter 三. --- 個案四：調整糧食價格 --- p.81 / Chapter 四. --- 個案五：海南汽車事件 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 事件背景 --- p.84 / Chapter 2. --- 矛盾的政策 --- p.85 / Chapter 3. --- “衝紅燈´ح與預期風險 --- p.87 / Chapter 4. --- 緊縮時的處分 --- p.88 / Chapter 5. --- 廣東省政府的角色 --- p.89 / Chapter 五. --- 中央對偏差行為的催化 --- p.89 / Chapter 六. --- 改革意識 --- p.91 / Chapter 1. --- 地方應有更大的自主權力 --- p.92 / Chapter 2. --- 從遵令而行到不犯法 --- p.92 / Chapter 3. --- 變通的合法性 --- p.93 / Chapter 4. --- 適量的“度´ح --- p.94 / Chapter 5. --- 緊縮中的自主意識 --- p.95 / Chapter 七. --- 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.98 / Chapter 一. --- 從廣東的自主行為看中央與地方的關係 --- p.98 / Chapter 1. --- 地方的自主意識和自主行為 --- p.98 / Chapter 2. --- 決定因素--中央控制的鬆弛 --- p.99 / Chapter 3. --- 地方政府的能動性 --- p.101 / Chapter 二. --- 進一步的研究方向 --- p.103 / 附表 --- p.105 / 注釋 --- p.108 / 主要英文參考書目 --- p.135 / 主要中文參考書目 --- p.139 / 主要參考報章雜誌 --- p.142

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The issue focuses on the Society of American Indian Conference, an reprinted article on civilizing Indians, and the problems with the Indian Bureau.