Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris IV, 1977. / Includes indexes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 363-382).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-166). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Rev. version of the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [215]-223).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Leipzig, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-159).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-186). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

In spite of the vast amount of research on mood in Romance languages, certain fundamental issues are clearly underrepresented, particularly in the field of diachronic linguistics. With this in mind, the primary goal of this dissertation is to provide a comprehensive explanation for developments in Romance mood distribution. Unlike the majority of existing research, this approach does not analyze mood in isolation, nor does it look outward for language-external explanations. Instead, changes in mood usage are related to major typological developments via several interconnected analyses which rely heavily on data from Latin and medieval Spanish and French. This investigation, which takes as its starting point the well-attested typological shift from OV to VO word order, addresses four major issues. The first of these is branching congruency, whereby post-posed subordinate clauses are more closely associated with explicit subordinating conjunctions. This hypothesis is tested via a quantitative analysis of Latin data, in order to establish a link between conjunctions and VO word order. The development of these subordinating elements is then analyzed within the grammaticalization framework, which provides insight into the nature of specific Latin and Romance forms, in addition to demonstrating the usefulness of certain theoretical notions. The outcome of this process is a highly generalized Romance subordinator, which is argued to have undergone partial synthesis with the subjunctive, evidenced by an increase in both obligatoriness and contiguity. Finally, these cumulative changes in the linguistic system are shown to have had substantial destabilizing effects on the existing subjunctive / indicative contrast. The significance of this claim is that, already in Latin, mood selection is characterized by a loss of motivation and an increase in automaticity. As a result, subsequent changes in mood distribution in Romance languages are not viewed merely as reductive phenomena, but rather as signs of the refunctionalization of a destabilized, yet viable, paradigm. / text

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This study proposes that metrical constituents are inherently headless and stress is autosegmental. Chapter 2 argues that, since stress is the only diagnostic for the presence of a metrical head, the latter is redundant and must be eliminated from phonological theory. Further arguments for the inherent headlessness of feet are cited fl:om the theory of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1990, Crowhurst 1991b) and from the facts of Yidinʸ stress (Dixon 1977, Crowhurst 1991a, Crowhurst and Hewitt, to appear). Next, stress is shown to exhibit the following auto segmental properties: stability (Bedouin Hijazi Arabic) , morphemic stress (Spanish, Turkish, Tagalog) and the ability to float (Mayo, Tagalog). After comparing the properties of stress with those of autosegments, it is concluded that stress is an autosegment. Assuming that feet can be either disyllabic, bimoraic or iambic (Hayes 1991), the above conclusion predicts the existence of five types of binary stressed feet. These are the left- and right-stressed syllabic foot, instantiated by Warao and Mayo, respectively, the left- and right-stressed moraic foot, instantiated by Cairene Arabic and Turkish, respectively, and the iambic foot, instantiated by Hixkaryana. The asymmetric nature of the iamb is attributed to the Weight-to-Stress Principle (Prince 1990), which allows stress to be assigned directly to heavy syllables. Furthermore, this principle predict6 all and only the attested types of unbounded stress systems. Chapter 5 argues that stressless feet and unfooted stresses are instantiated in Mayo, and the theories of Halle and Vergnaud 1987a, b and Hayes 1987, 1991 are shown to be incapable of accounting for these facts. The autosegmental theory of stress advances phonological theory in three ways. First, it eliminates most of the principles and devices which up to now have been used only to describe stress, leaving only the abstract stress autosegment which is itself subject to the principles of autosegmental theory. Second, this approach attributes many of the apparent differences between stress and tone to differences in their respective domains rather than differences in their formal properties. Third, the autosegmental theory of stress facilitates the formalization of a number of stress systems with heretofore complex analyses, including Yidinʸ, Mayo, Cairene Arabic, Turkish, Khalkha Mongolian and Tagalog.

Iquito, a highly endangered Zaparoan language of the Peruvian Amazon, exhibits a typologically unusual word order alternation that marks the grammatical category of reality status (i.e. the distinction between realized (realis) and unrealized or hypothetical (irrealis) events). This alternation is the only reliable marker of the category; Iquito does not employ morphology to mark the realis/irrealis distinction. While the word order of Iquito realis constructions is reliably SVO, the word order of irrealis constructions does not fall into one of the canonical orders. It is characterized by an element (X) intervening between the subject and the verb, resulting in the order SXV. In this dissertation, I provide a detailed description and analysis of the realis/irrealis word order alternation. Using data from both elicitation and texts that I collected while in the field, I describe the types of elements that occur in the preverbal position of the irrealis construction, determine what unifies these elements, and establish which element of the sentence will occur in this position and what conditions this choice. Relying on the available data for the other languages in the family, I examine the expression of reality status in these languages and discuss how reality status comes to be associated with word order. I also provide a survey of other languages exhibiting similar word order alternations and discuss how they compare to the alternation we see in Iquito, concluding that Iquito is an example of an “ideal” word order alternation because word order is the sole indicator of the grammatical category with which it is associated. / text