Over the past half-century, environmental problems have become increasingly serious and seemingly intractable, and a careless, clueless, or contemptuous consumer is often portrayed as the root cause of this environmental decline. This study takes a different approach to evaluating the demand for resources by households, assessing possible pro-environmental paths forward through a study of highly ecologically-conscious households. By modeling "green" households as producers of sustainability rather than consumers of environmental products, the sustainability work that takes place in households is brought into focus. An investigation of household sustainability production makes possible the evaluation of the trade-offs inherent in these pro-environmental activities. Ethnographic interviews with 23 sustainability-oriented households with young children living in and near Portland, Oregon, provide data on how households balance priorities and get things done in day-to-day life by employing the available resources, limited by constraining factors. An orienting perspective combining neoclassical and radical political economic theories of household production frames the analysis of how households make choices between alternatives. Sociological theories of consumption and theories of social practice aid in the analysis of how these choices have evolved over time, and how household members view the social meanings of these choices. Particular attention is paid to areas of day-to-day life neglected in previous research--household waste, comfort, and cleanliness. The results indicate that there is not one "sustainability" with varying degrees across a "green" spectrum, but rather varying priorities in the sustainability realm--personal health, nature, waste avoidance, technology, and community. This analysis reveals some of the negative consequences of shifting the responsibility for environmental protection to households. Ecologically-conscious households devote substantial time and money to these sustainability efforts, but their efforts frequently stimulate conflicts, and the end results are rarely perfect. Constrained resources and limited information mean household members must make trade-offs between competing priorities, often under duress. The results suggest that policies promoting household-level sustainability efforts may be misguided, as this transfer of institutional responsibility for environmental protection to individuals and groups results in even greater burdens on households, whose time and money are already stretched to their limits.

How does progressive change happen in so-called sustainable cities? In this dissertation, I present findings from a three year-long ethnographic investigation of grassroots organizing in Portland, Oregon, a city at the leading edge of the green urbanism movement. This research centered on an extended case study of the Portland Harbor Community Coalition (PHCC). PHCC is an alliance of grassroots groups working to ensure that cleanup of the Portland Harbor Superfund Site benefits those who have been most impacted by pollution. In this dissertation, I develop three main empirical findings. First, despite depoliticized (sustainability) discourse permeating the harbor cleanup planning process, which excluded impacted communities from and minimized disparate impacts resulting from contamination and cleanup, there has not necessarily been a green growth machine operating in the way that we would expect. Instead, a classic status quo growth machine has indirectly pushed depoliticized sustainability discourse, and benefited from it at the expense of vulnerable residents -- even in a paradigmatic sustainable city. Second, in contrast to the "just green enough" strategies put forth in previous research, there are, in fact, grassroots groups who are demanding robust environmental improvements as part of broader social and environmental justice outcomes. PHCC takes an "oppositional community development" approach in attempting to transcend the green development-displacement dialectic. This approach has entailed being strategically confrontational some of the time, and engaging through more established participation channels at other times. Third, individual and collective historicized learning has played a key role in PHCC's efforts to re-politicize the cleanup planning process in three ways: it helped coalition members connect their personal experiences to the harbor; it helped coalition members build a political analysis of the cumulative and inter-generational ways that harbor pollution has impacted different groups; and a collectively produced historical narrative ultimately contributed to the coalition's moderate success in pushing public agencies to be more responsive to impacted communities. More broadly, this research draws attention to the historical contingencies, organizing approaches, challenges, and transformations experienced by ordinary people coming together to fight for a more just sustainability. It suggests that in order to develop a fuller understanding of urban socio-ecological change processes--and to make meaningful contributions to change in an era of environmental crisis, extreme housing instability, racial violence, and other forms of oppression--scholars must pay attention to those working on the front lines of change, themselves, in broader historical context.

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

Ecology is a critical current of thought towards industrialized societies, which spreads throughout the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century. As a social movement, Ecologists try to set the rules of a society more respectful of the environment and the living conditions ; as a political movement, they offer a new model for society. Between 1960 and 1990, France and Germany present similarities regarding a growing sensitivity towards the environmental issues in their populations and the progressive accession of ecology to the political stage. A more detailed analysis nevertheless reveals historical, economical, social, political and institutional as well as cultural and mental characteristics peculiar to each country underlining important differences in these fields and explaining the clichés about a romantic Germany concerned with the need to preserve the biosphere and a Cartesian France ignoring the environment. / L’écologie est un courant de pensée critique à l’encontre des sociétés industrialisées qui se développe dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle en Occident. En tant que mouvement social, les écologistes cherchent à définir les règles d’une société plus respectueuse de l’environnement et du cadre de vie ; en tant que courant politique, leurs réflexions ont pour but de proposer un autre modèle de société. Entre 1960 et 1990, la France et l’Allemagne présentent des similitudes en matière de prise de conscience environnementale au sein de la population et au niveau de l’arrivée de l’écologie sur la scène politique. Une analyse comparative plus précise dévoile toutefois des caractéristiques historiques, économiques, sociales, politiques et institutionnelles ainsi que culturelles et mentales propres à chaque pays qui permettent de souligner des divergences importantes dans ces domaines et d’expliquer les clichés se rapportant à une Allemagne romantique, sensible à la protection de la biosphère, et une France cartésienne, négligente sur le plan environnemental.

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2008. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Feb. 26, 2009). Thesis advisor: Mark Littmann. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 311-330). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Driven by the needs of growing populations, industrial and governing powers are successfully accelerating the rate of industrial consumption, production and employment as if the earth’s resources are in unlimited supply. In contrast, a range of international sustainable development forums, inspired by visionary individuals, have made significant progress in creating awareness that the footprint of human activity is exceeding the earth’s sink and source capacity; and educating people in government, workplaces and communities to slow down industrial consumption and clean up production. Turning around conventional and short sighted ‘business as usual’ logic, and directing economies toward greener, long-term sustainability outcomes, still meet with resistance and hidden unsustainable agendas. The ‘green economy’ drive nevertheless since 2008 attracts financial and human resources and bold action in favour of more sustainable management of human-nature relations. The sustainable development movement for example advocates a ‘triple bottom line’ approach, holding that socially and ecologically responsible economic development would be sustainable. The sustainability movement has attained significant buy-in among governments and business communities. It forms the under-labouring philosophy of the programmes reviewed in this case study. The thesis reviews social-economic events paving the way for a global green economy. Taking a leadership role in the sustainable development movement the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) concurred to respond to the 2008 world-wide economic meltdown with a two-pronged ‘Green New Deal’ (UNEP, 2008). The Green New Deal financial package helps restore multi-national economic growth, employment and markets while re-shaping economies to follow an ecologically and socially responsible growth trajectory. South Africa implements green economy principles as part of the 2010 The New Growth Path overarching policy framework, with an implementation strategy embedded in the 2011 National Development Plan (NDP) (RSA. The Presidency, 2010; 2011). The New Growth Path emphasises that the transformation of South Africa’s un-sustainable economic and educational legacy to a more sustainable future is not expected to follow a smooth, linear process. The transition to a green economy is rather expected to be an event of “… noisy, healthy democracy” (RSA. The Presidency, 2010). A green, low carbon economy particularly constitutes a pledge to slow down and turn the human induced climate change trajectory around. McKinsey (2009) argues that this pledge is attainable on a world-wide scale, as sufficient and suitable environmentally sound techniques and technologies are already in place. Attaining buy-in from business stakeholders toward re-thinking and amending an economy’s self-defying large environmental footprint (inclusive of carbon, water and waste footprints) however requires education starting with awarenessraising followed by educational programmes and official curricula aimed at implementation and continuous improvement of green practices in day to day ‘doings and beings’ (Sen, 1997). This study at implementation level reviews two green economy training programmes and their emergence in South Africa around this rationale. The awareness generation and training programmes elected as case study examples are the ‘Resource Efficient and Cleaner Production’ (RECP) and ‘Industrial Energy Efficiency’ (IEE) programmes, of the hosting agency National Cleaner Production Centre of South Africa (NCPC-SA). The RECP and IEE teams reach out to decision makers, engineers and artisans at industrial workplaces and workplace related events to add green competences to their business-as-usual skill sets. Implementing green options in industry typically slows down industrial scale resource consumption, pollution, waste generation and green-house gas (GHG) emissions while optimising resource productivity and enterprise excellence. Optimised supply side systems allow industry to reduce energy and material intensity of products thus reducing cost and producing more with less. In transitioning to a ‘Green GDP’ economy South Africa is awakening to the reality that natural resources constitute the original, albeit limited feedstock for growth and employment. The RECP and IEE approach also contribute to reduction of industrial waste, waste-to-landfill, and energy and resource security. Literature reviewed for this research provides evidence that the green economy’s triple bottom line philosophy is quantifiable thus manageable. A range of green economy management tools are emerging, including guidelines for carbon, water and environmental footprinting and the green-house gas abatement cost curve (see section 2.2.5) (McKinsey and Company, 2009). Transitioning from business as usual to ecologically sustainable industrial sectors however requires visionary, educated leadership, willing and capable of introducing modern and more efficient techniques and technologies. The boundaries of this half thesis embrace the globally and historically significant Tbilisi Declaration and other education and sustainable development agreements produced by United Nations and OECD mechanisms. Participating nations like South Africa incorporate the essence of these agreements into domestic policies and strategies, and align industries to remain competitive in international markets, which are increasingly enforcing green standards like ISO 14001 and ISO 50001. The focus of this case study guided by inductive, abductive and retroductive inference is to understand how the two sustainability learning programmes for people in industrial workplaces, supported by the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO) and relevant donors, and overseen by the South African Department of Trade and Industry (the dti), relate to emerging green learning aspects. Producing a review of this nature requires a framework of laterally understanding emerging green learning aspects, for which I have reviewed green economy literature and also green learning and conventional education and training literature respectively. Themes emerging from the literature review informed an analytical instrument (questionnaire) in Phase One. In Phase Two the questionnaire was applied through nested case study methodology to show how the educational content and approaches of the RECP and IEE programmes relate to emerging green learning aspects and as such is suitable for mainstreaming in the national educational system. From an explicit educational perspective potential partners for collaboration include the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET) the South African Qualifications Authority’s (SAQA’s) Quality Council for Trades and Occupations (QCTO) and the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) representing the training needs of the industrial workforce but affiliated to QCTO and SAQA. In the extended scenario the NCPC-SA as a dti programme recognises the Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) as lead agency guiding implementation of South Africa’s green economy, and specifically DEA’s National Environmental Sector Skills Planning Forum (NESPF), a national leader in green skills development in South Africa, as conduit for productively mainstreaming relevant RECP and IEE content and approaches toward green skills development for the green economy.

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