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“Violent men and superficial women” (“Våldsamma män och utseendefixerade kvinnor”) by authors Magda Wendel Bommarco and Lina Larsson aims to evaluate how male and female stereotypes are constructed in Super Bowls commercials 2023. The subject illustrates the issues behind stereotypes as a part of wider social ideologies and power relations, which makes the topic highly relevant to examine. The study examines how male and female stereotypes are constructed in the commercials, how they differ as well as how they can be understood. The research questions are examined through a semiotic content analysis of 10 commercials from Super Bowl 2023. The essay's theoretical framework consists of hegemonies, stereotypes and the gender system. The main results reveal that women are stereotyped as dumb, crazy, fixated on appearance as well as motherly in the commercials. This differs from the male stereotypes, which are related to violence and criminality, beer-drinking, sports and being a father. The results reveal that both genders are stereotyped as clichés, but that the female stereotypes are portrayed as more problematic than the male stereotypes are. The results can complement previous research in the field as well as display the stereotypes' function in society as a whole. The results are therefore relevant for the academic field as well as society.

There existed diversified, confused and incompatible viewpoints on revealing the history of Taiwan while different studies and researches were conducted. The consequence was diverse explanations upon this important period of Taiwan, from year 1949 to year 2000. A novel concept was developed to interpret and identify the discourses of Taiwanese nationalism through fine arts. This is a brand new approach in studying Taiwan¡¦s history and in correlating aesthetics to politics as well. This dissertation tried to demonstrate the relationship between political text and fine art text in order to identify history of Taiwan based on the discourse of nationalism. According to different periods of leadership and their discourses of nationalism, four stages were identified between 1949 and 2000. They were: Stage I (CKS ruling period, 1949-1975):¡¦ Overlap¡¦ and¡¦ backlash¡¦ between Anti-communism esthetics with Modernism Aesthetics ; Stage II (CJG ruling period, 1975-1988):¡¦Transition¡¦ and ¡¥conversion¡¦ between Modernism Aesthetics with Provincialism Aesthetics; Stage III (Early LTH ruling period, 1988-1996): ¡¥Delitescence¡¦ and ¡¥variation¡¦ between Provincialism Aesthetics with Localism Aesthetics; Stage IV (Late LTH ruling period, 1996-2000):¡¦Reconstruction¡¦ and ¡¥deepness¡¦ between Localism Aesthetics with Subjectivity Aesthetics. This research tried to bring back the hidden and/or forgotten memory by re-discovering and tracking down alternative pathways of text. History was re-described and rebuilt in order to establish the new identity of Taiwan. The contemporary core of Taiwan¡¦s politics lies in the discourse of nationalism, and the challenge of relating aesthetics to it through self-examination of history is huge. This research also provides a new approach to verify the difference between the political reality and what¡¦s in people¡¦s mindset. Employing aesthetics as an emotional or symbolic entity to express political issue is a strong statement of cultural hegemonies. The development of Taiwanese aesthetics started from a passive acceptation of post-colonialism to an active transformation of subjective new culture.

« Derniers instants », première partie de ce mémoire, est un roman dont la protagoniste, une octogénaire issue d’une famille aux valeurs traditionnelles, refuse de se conformer aux idéologies d’une société patriarcale, comme sa mère, sa grand-mère et toutes les femmes qui les ont précédées l’ont fait avant elle. C’est une démarche créative inspirée par la restitution de la part des femmes dans l’histoire, depuis l’avènement des études féministes. Un regard a posteriori, une relecture de l’expérience féminine. Dans la deuxième partie, « Modèle familial et filiations dans Fugueuses de Suzanne Jacob », je m’intéresse à la fonction que Jacob attribue à l’écrivain. En effet, pour l’auteure, chaque individu est un lecteur du monde. Le rapport dialogique qu’elle établit entre le texte littéraire et les « fictions dominantes » rend compte de sa démarche créative, c’est-à-dire l’écriture comme l’aboutissement d’une lecture singulière des évidences, de l’entendu, du ce-qui-va-de-soi. / « Derniers instants » is a novel about a lady in her eighties, born in a family with traditional values, who refuses to conform to the rules of a Patriarchal Society. A creative approach inspired by the restitution of women’s contribution to History. It proposes a kind of a look back, like a reviewed version of feminine experience. The essay « Modèle familial et filiations dans Fugueuses de Suzanne Jacob » analyses the fonction that the author attributes to writers. According to her, each individual is able to bring new meanings to social hegemonies. The dialogical relation that she establishes between them and literature is relevant of her scripture, in which writing is the result of a unique interpretation of the obvious and the evidences.

This historical study analyses the holistic dynamics of Ethiopia, taking into account political, social, economic, cultural, religious, and media development aspects, with a focus on the three most recent governments (1930–2014), in relation to freedom of expression. The analysis indicates that the Feudalist-Imperial system was clearly the extension of centuries-old imperial hegemony which had used religious, cultural and patriotic hegemony to stifle freedom of expression. During the Socialist-Military regime every sphere of society, including acts of expression, were oriented towards the revolution and socialist political ideology. During the current ethnically based so-called Revolutionary-Democratic regime, freedom of expression has been stifled by means of legislation, government and party structures, complex surveillance, and social networks. While the instruments of repression have differed, relatively speaking, from government to government, the extent of repression has remained similar over a number of centuries. Threats to freedom of expression derive from rulers or governments, in which instances they are entrenched through policies, laws and bureaucracies, from religious and cultural hegemonies, from poverty and a related lack of education and access to information, and from conflicts, rivalry and wars. These threats have their origins in three main interrelated causal or determining factors, namely the Certainty–Uncertainty Dilemma, Ethno-Luminary Thought and Narcissism, which together form a pyramid beneath which freedom of expression in Ethiopia has been trapped. This pyramid is identified in the study as the Social Pyramid, or the Pyramid of Repression Instruments, and it in turn gives rise to an overall web of suppression, that is, the Pyramid Trap of Repression. The study concludes that the repression of freedom of expression in Ethiopia is likely to remain intact, insofar as the threats to freedom of expression and the factors giving rise to those threats persist. While limited gains concerning the right to freedom of expression are achieved periodically, these are routinely undone and rolled back, since the Pyramid Trap of Repression is not dismantled. / In hierdie historiese studie word die holistiese dinamika van Etiopië ontleed, met inagneming van politieke, sosiale, ekonomiese, kulturele, religieuse, en media-ontwikkelingsaspekte. Daar word op die drie mees onlangse regerings (1930–2014) gefokus, ten opsigte van vrye meningsuiting. Die ontleding dui daarop dat die feodalisties-imperialistiese stelsel duidelik die uitbreiding van eeue-oue imperialistiese hegemonie was wat religieuse, kulturele en patriotiese hegemonie gebruik het om vrye meningsuiting te onderdruk. Gedurende die sosialisties-militêre regime was elke sfeer van die samelewing, insluitende dade van uitdrukking, georiënteer tot die revolusie en sosialisties-politieke ideologie. Tydens die huidige, etnies gebaseerde sogenaamde revolusionêr-demokratiese regime, is vrye meningsuiting onderdruk deur wetgewing, regering- en partystrukture, komplekse bewaking, en sosiale netwerke. Hoewel die instrumente van onderdrukking relatief gesproke verskil het van regering tot regering, het die mate van onderdrukking oor ʼn aantal eeue heen soortgelyk gebly. Bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting is afkomstig van heersers of regerings (en in sulke gevalle word hulle beveilig deur beleide, wette en burokrasieë), van religieuse en kulturele hegemonieë, van armoede en ʼn verwante gebrek aan opvoeding en toegang tot inligting, en van konflikte, mededinging en oorloë. Hierdie bedreigings het ontstaan vanweë drie vernaamste kousale of bepalende faktore wat onderling verwant is, naamlik die sekerheid-onsekerheid-dilemma, etno-voorligter-denke en narsisme, wat gesamentlik ʼn piramide vorm waaronder vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië vasgevang is. Hierdie piramide word in die studie as die sosiale piramide, of die piramide van onderdrukkingsinstrumente, geïdentifiseer, en dit lei op sy beurt tot ʼn algehele web van onderdrukking – die piramidelokval van onderdrukking. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die onderdrukking van vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië waarskynlik onaangeroer gaan bly, so lank as wat die bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting en die faktore wat tot daardie bedreigings aanleiding gee, onveranderd bly. Hoewel beperkte suksesse van tyd tot tyd behaal word rakende die reg tot vrye meningsuiting, word sulke prestasies dikwels ongedaan gemaak, omdat die piramidelokval van onderdrukking nie afgebreek word nie. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)