Yes / The capability approach (CA), while originally regarded as a ‘thin’ framework relating to an individual’s ‘States’, has been progressively deployed in wider spaces of social welfare and policy development. In general, the CA centralises an individual’s (or group’s) functionings, and the freedom to achieve those functionings. One under-researched area is the expression of capabilities when constraints are imposed hegemonically, that is, when an individual (or group) appears to consent to having their choices limited because of some underlying sociocultural ideology. Hegemonic forces are particularly relevant to the application of the CA against the UN’s sustainable development goals (SDGs); specifically, reduced inequalities (Goal 10) under its 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, since it is generally under large-scale policy regime shifts that sociocultural inequalities are broken and renewed. New, less transparent hegemonies often emerge within policy changes that seek to address inequalities, and they typically embody a mitigating reaction to social risks emanating from policy change. The chapter is fundamentally a theoretical and conceptual paper, approached from an interdisciplinary context, and draws on concepts such as sustainable development, capability approach, and freedom in analysing hegemonic forces with respect to reducing inequalities. / The full-text of this article will be released for public view at the end of the publisher embargo - 18 months after publication.

Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.

This thesis is about teacher education reform. It is a narrative of attempted change in the area of teacher education in post-apartheid Namibia. The inquiry is based on critical and participatory perspectives. The analytical tools include concepts like hegemony and counter-hegemony, common sense and good sense. The historical and contextual analyses attend to the broad global layers of influence on a newly born African nation state, the prevailing common sense of financial and technical assistance agencies, and the modern school as it has landed in Namibia and elsewhere in Africa. It gives an overview of the historical deposits into the common sense about schooling and education in Namibia, including visions and practices of the liberation movement before independence. The teacher education reform is also placed within the international context of preferential views on teacher education. The struggle over the preferential right of interpretation is described and analysed on three major levels: the policy level of an imperative reform framework, the level of the contested programme imprints, and on institutional level where attempts were made to create reform agency. The teacher education reform was part of the post-apartheid policy that signalled an egalitarian society for all. The analyses give at hand that the reform was neither a defeat nor a victory. The combined effects of historical and parallel engravings affected the reform process and created a transposed reform out of the intellectual war of position over the preferential right of interpretation. The transposed reform had traits of both the hegemonic imprints and the counter-hegemonic reform policy and operated within a constraining and ahistorical political context. A future revival of the reform policy includes a critical literacy of pedagogy and a pedagogy of hope. / digitalisering@umu

Whose internet regime? ¡§Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers.¡¨ Although its purposes are nonprofit and to be the global representation, ICANN was criticized that it has been controlled by United State unilaterally since it was built for ten years. The United Nations empowered International Telecommunication Union to establish the World Summit of Information Society (WSIS), and tried to make sovereign states to co-govern the internet regime in 2003 and 2005. However, it was failed. Hence, this thesis retrospects the causes of WSIS failure with neo-realism¡¦s perspective and analyses the historical events and relative documents. The study finds that the core reason of WSIS failure is because ICANN is the institutional product of hegemony in the historical context. On the other hand, the material inferiority of WSIS and the structural constriction lead to the total failure of anti-hegemony power.

In November 2012, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) announced the implementation of the Local Community Radio Act of 2010, which marks the largest expansion of community radio stations in U.S. history. The act responds to the decade-long community radio movement in which many civilian groups advocated that community radio—an “old-fashioned” yet affordable public medium—still plays a significant role in fostering the expression of diverse voices and citizen participation in this digital era. Despite the successful advocacy effort in the policy-making arena, the real impact of community radio remains a question. Who listens to and participates in community radio? Does the connection between community radio and community exist? This dissertation investigates audience interaction and participation in the U.S. community radio sector, seeking to empirically and theoretically advance audience research in community radio and alternative media in general. Methodologically, this dissertation is based on case studies from two community radio stations KOOP and KPFT in Texas through multiple methods including 5-year ethnographic fieldwork, in-depth interviews with 70 individuals including staff, programmers and listeners, a web-based listener survey with 131 respondents, and a textual analysis of producer-audience communication platforms such as blogs and social networking sites. The results demonstrate the limitations of audience interaction and participation caused by resource constraints and community radio programmers’ tendency to speak with themselves. Therefore, I recommend that community radio broadcasters should consider developing systemic approaches to evaluate and facilitate audience participation, which requires an understanding that the value of community engagement lies beyond audience size or the amount of listener donations. This dissertation concludes that community radio remains relevant in this digital era. This affordable and accessible form of alternative media to some extent bridges a digital divide. The medium also facilitates the development of a genuine relationship between radio programmers and listeners, thus the formation of virtual and real communities. These are the very elements that make meaningful dialogues possible in any communication environment. / text

Submitted by Carlos Henrique dos Santos Ruiz (caique_ruiz2006@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-09-20T17:47:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A Revolta que Não Houve - Versão Final.pdf: 1046797 bytes, checksum: 3748577315949e81b1766ac96499561b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-20T18:33:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ruiz_chs_me_mar.pdf: 1046797 bytes, checksum: 3748577315949e81b1766ac96499561b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-20T18:33:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ruiz_chs_me_mar.pdf: 1046797 bytes, checksum: 3748577315949e81b1766ac96499561b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Em 1º de abril de 1964, é derrubado o presidente constitucional da república João Goulart, consolidando o Golpe Civil-Militar, depois de uma Crise de Hegemonia. No entanto, o novo período não foi de tranquilidade política, havendo tanto contestações e tentativas de revolta por grupos de oposição quanto disputas entre os grupos políticos no poder, que ficou polarizado entre os “moderados” e os “duros” para definir qual seria o projeto hegemônico dirigiria o Bloco Histórico. De início, muitos participantes e apoiadores do golpe acreditavam que os militares logo devolveriam o poder aos civis. Mas a prorrogação do mandato do General Castelo Branco e a consequente cassação de expoentes históricos civis que apoiaram o golpe como Juscelino Kubitschek, outras lideranças começaram a perceber que um grupo dos militares procurava se hegemonizar no poder e estava conquistando espaço, com projeto político próprio. O Governador de São Paulo Adhemar de Barros entendeu que seria o próximo político a ser cassado. Face à impopularidade do regime devido à crise econômica, ele se alia a vários grupos políticos descontentes distintos, entre os quais a esquerda nacionalista e ligada ao PCB, e a militares descontentes, como o General Amaury Kruel, entre outros, articulando-se com ele à frente de um contragolpe. No entanto, a revolta não aconteceu, e Adhemar de Barros teve o mandato de governador cassado e os direitos políticos suspensos por dez anos. O objetivo deste trabalho é fazer uma retomada histórica da tentativa de revolta, e ao mesmo tempo uma análise política, tendo como referencial o conceito de Hegemonia e Crise de Hegemonia em Gramsci. Com isso, a pesquisa se propõe a responder: O que foi a Revolta? Quem participou dela? Qual o seu poderio militar? Quais seus objetivos políticos? Teve ramificações em outros estados? Por que ela não ocorreu? Para realizar isso, será discutido na Introdução o referencial teórico e a principal liderança da conspiração Adhemar de Barros. No Capítulo 1, será retomado historicamente o governo João Goulart, tendo como base o conceito de Crise de Hegemonia. No Capítulo 2, será retomado o governo Castelo Branco, tendo como enfoque a disputa hegemônica entre “moderados” e “duros”, além de retomar outras contestações do período. E no Capítulo 3, será discutido e analisado “A Revolta que Não Houve”, tendo como base o referencial teórico. Por fim, nas Considerações Finais, será discutido o resultado obtido na pesquisa. / On April 1st, 1964, the constitutional president of the republic João Goulart was overthrow, consolidating the Civil-Military Coup, after a Hegemony Crisis. However, the period was not a political one, and there were both contestations and attempts of riots by opposition groups and disputes between political groups in power, which became polarized between "moderados" (the "moderates") and "duros" (the "brash") to define the hegemonic project that would direct the Historical Bloc. Initially, many participants and supporters of the coup believed that the military would soon return the power to civilians. But the extension of the mandate of General Castelo Branco and the consequent annulment of historical civilian exponents who supported the coup as Juscelino Kubitschek, other leaders began to realize that a group of the military sought to hegemonize in power and was gaining space with its own political project. The Governor of the state of São Paulo, Adhemar de Barros, realized that he would be the next politician to be annulled. Faced with the unpopularity of the government due to the economic crisis, Barros joins several distinct disaffected political groups, including the nationalist and PCB-bound left wing, and disgruntled military personnel like General Amaury Kruel, among others, articulating with him the leadership of a counter-coup. However, the uprising did not happen, and Adhemar de Barros had his governor office annulled, and the political rights suspended for ten years. Thus, the present work is intended to draw both a historical recovering of the attempt of riot and a political analysis, taking as reference the concept of Hegemony and Crisis of Hegemony by Gramsci. The research, then, proposes to answer: What was this uprising? Who were the participants? Does it have military power? What are their political goals? Were there ramifications in other states? Why did not it happen? In order to accomplish it, the theoretical framework and the main leadership of the Adhemar de Barros conspiracy will be discussed in the Introduction. In Chapter 1, João Goulart's government is taken up historically, based on the concept of Crisis of Hegemony. In Chapter 2, the Castelo Branco's government is resumed, focusing on the hegemonic dispute between "moderados" and "duros", as well as resuming other contestations of the period. And in Chapter 3, "The Uprising that was Not" is discussed and analyzed, based on the theoretical framework by Gramsci. Finally, in the Final Considerations, the results obtained in the present research are discussed.

The rapid rise of alternative organisations such as social enterprises is largely due to the promotional activities of intermediary organisations. So far, little is known about the affective nature of such activities. The present article thus investigates how intermediary organisations make social entrepreneurship palatable for a broader audience by establishing it as an object of desire. Drawing on affect-oriented extensions of Laclau and Mouffe's poststructuralist theory, hegemonisation is suggested as a way of understanding how social entrepreneurship is articulated through a complementary process of signification and affective investment. Specifically, by examining Austrian intermediaries, we show how social entrepreneurship is endowed with a sense of affective thrust that is based on three interlocking dynamics: the articulation of fantasies such as 'inclusive exclusiveness', 'large-scale social change' and 'pragmatic solutions'; the repression of anxiety-provoking and contentious issues (constitutive quiescences); as well as the use of conceptually vague, floating signifiers (moments of indeterminacy). Demonstrating that the hegemonisation of social entrepreneurship involves articulating certain issues whilst, at the same time, omitting others, or rendering them elusive, the article invites a counter-hegemonic critique of social entrepreneurship, and, on a more general level, of alternative forms of organising, that embraces affect as a driving force of change, while simultaneously affirming the impossibility of harmony and wholeness.

In Critical Practice, Catherine Belsey states how traditionally, classic realism is interpreted as a genre that"presents individuals whose traits of character, understood as essential and predominantly given, constrain the choices they make" (Belsey 74). Belsey's claim is significant in that it articulates what is often the locus of tension and conflict in the genre: rigid, essentialist identitary discourse.In summarizing and considering the various identitary discourses at play within Mordecai Richler's The Apprenticeship of Duddy Kravitz and The Street and Gérard Bessette's La bagarre and Les pédagogues, the purpose of this thesis is to analyse how issues surrounding constructions of identity are dramatized in these classic realist, satirical texts in order to show how their cultural work in terms of identity can be understood as being more ambivalent than has heretofore often been thought. The thesis' theoretical focus is rooted primarily in post-colonial theory, especially the ways it interrogates representations of cultural and ethnic struggles for recognition and power that are a result of colonial and/or cultural hegemonic domination. More specifically, the thesis discusses and appropriates the theory and concepts of the post-colonial critic Homi K. Bhabha, particularly in terms of how the selected primary texts can be said to exemplify Bhabha's notions of ambivalence, hybridity and a Third Space of identity; how the narratives' main conflicts and tensions around identity can be better understood by looking at how some of the characters can be said to inhabit a Third Space. However, the thesis will also show that while Bhabha's claim that instances of ambivalence, hybridity and the Third Space in the selected texts can be said to represent" neither the one [...], nor the Other [...] but something else besides which contests the terms and the territories of both [i.e. of competing identities]," (Bhabha 41) their concomitant essentialist discourses can be said to trouble the idealism of Bhabha's faith in such notions.In short, this thesis posits that though the selected texts perform important cultural work via their complex problematizations of the ambivalence of said discourses, they also satirize and critique essentialist and ethnocentric discourses.

This thesis analyses key documents from the United Nations Security Council (the Council) meetings during the period of 1999 to 2001. This thesis maps out the shift in the discourses that occurred within the Council, when adopting United Nations Security Council’s resolution (UNSCR) 1325. Moreover, this thesis argues that the nodal point ‘Civilians’ has become gendered by being replaced by the concept of ‘Women’. This thesis argues that UNSC is misrepresenting female agency within the discourses, which has contributed to a gendering of the concept of civilians. Sexual violence, defined as a wartime weapon, has also been part of the construction of stereotypical gender binaries, which has constituted a representation of women as either victims or saviors within the discourses. It becomes evident that the notion of female agency as for example independent, empowered or strong has been neglected. The discourse theory provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is applied in order to map out the existing discourses within the Security Council meetings. The aim of this study is to acknowledge the importance of that women have been and still are being excluded from the ontology of war. Furthermore, when the role of women in war is described, it is in relation to constructed stereotypical gender binaries.

Background: The World Health Organization report shows that about 30% of all women who have been in a relationship have experienced physical or sexual violence in intimate relationships. 38% of all murders of women is made of a close partner. In Sweden, an estimated 22 000 cases of violence against women a year, where domestic violence is the single largest portion. The two most common treatment models for men who used violence in close relationships is Domestic Abuse Intervention Program and cognitive behavioral therapy. The government's goal is to stop men's violence against women. Therefore, the issue of men's violence against women is raised as a fourth milestone in equality policy to draw attention to the violence linked to the patterns and norms that exist in society. Socialstyrelsen underlines that there are few evaluations of activities using cognitive behavioral therapy. Aim: Examining the effect of CBT as a treatment for men who used violence in close relationships. Method: Systematic literature study. Results: Based on the results obtained it is possible to gently draw positive conclusions that motivation and attitude are important components in the changing process. There is some evidence to suggest that CBT can be an effective treatment for men who used violence in relationships during a follow-up of four to nine months if the participant’s got motivation and willingness to change.