This dissertation studies the period of George Grey's governance at the Cape from 1854 to 1861. This is examined as a period in which change in British administration impacted imperial policy pertaining to the Cape. The relationships between Cape governors, particularly George Grey, and successive British administrations has received inadequate attention. When Grey first arrived, he was allowed a great degree of freedom by Whig politicians; this had changed by the end of his appointment, when Conservatives had come into power. During this period the granting of greater constitutional independence to settler populations across the British Empire was being undertaken and this led to misunderstandings and conflicts over colonial governors' functions and responsibilities. In this context, Grey himself is an object of study. Numerous historical portrayals define him as a figure of great historiographical interest and dispute. Arguments about Grey often revolve around his treatment of native peoples. Engaging this, I attempt to compare and contrast his representations of different native peoples, particularly the Maori and the Xhosa, discussing why such differences may have existed. This dissertation defines this period as one of scientific growth at the Cape, and Grey's influence in promoting the growth of a self--‐conscious public sphere in colonial society is thus investigated. As the Cattle-Killing holds a prominent place within various Cape histories, historiographical examination of this event has taken place. The Cape populations' reactions to Grey's policies have been examined. Suggestions are made that Cape 'victory' over the Xhosa, following the Cattle-Killing, coincided with this growth in scientific endeavour in promoting the place of the Cape in the 'civilised' British colonial order.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 50-51). / This study intends to look at the Cape Times' coverage and editorial response to the Nazi regime's treatment of Jews from its rise to power in early 1933 to its demise in 1945 at the end of World War II. As such, this paper follows a path broken by Andrew Sharf and his study of British press reaction to Nazi atrocities committed against Jews, Deborah Lipstadt and her book analyzing American press coverage of the same, and Sharon Friedman's thesis on the Afrikaner press' treatment of Nazi Germany and the Jews. In acknowledging these predecessors, it is essential to explain why this study of the English South African press, in the form of the Cape Times, is necessary.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references. / This study records and interprets the history and meanings of Korean migration to South Africa, especially Cape Town, from 1990 to 2011. Korean immigrants in South Africa came to establish a better life. This lead to my central project question: What does a "better life" mean to Korean immigrants in South Africa? To answer this question, I have investigated Korean immigrants' motivations for migrating, family decision-making and their life experiences in South Africa.

Includes bibliographical references / This thesis aims to compare BEE with the economic empowerment strategies of Afrikaner nationalism in order to root discussion around Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment within a context of economic nationalism. This approach avoids narrow critiques of BEE as affirmative action and provides a fresh historical perspective to the ANC’s efforts at transformation and redress. The comparison allows for insight to the different levels of success achieved by the economic nationalist strategies of Afrikaner empowerment and Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment. This thesis explores micro-studies to illustrate the complex issues raised by empowerment policies of Afrikaner (post 1924) and African nationalism (post 1994). In particular this serves to offer an alternative perspective the more common broad political approaches to BEE and highlights the policy’s effect at a micro-level.

The conciliation movement at the Cape was largely the offshoot of a parent body in England. This factor tempts the researcher to compare the one with the other, a practice which produces the most frustrating results. Unlike their English counterparts, the conciliators at the Cape did not form a clearly defined, centrally directed, organisation. They were, on the contrary, members of a loosely knit alliance of like-minded persons. Although the movement resulted from the stimulus of a number of leading figures, it had a large and varied supporting cast and there were even individuals who were not formally associated with it who played a leading role in its activities. The term conciliation movement therefore covers a very wide range and there is a voluminous amount of material available in connection with it. There are, however, also the most tantalising lacunae in the available information. In dealing with the conciliation movement I have attempted to concentrate on the activities of its English-speaking associates, as it was they who gave it its essence, but as it drew the bulk of its support from the Dutch section of the colonists their activities cannot be ignored.

Bibliography: pages 185-190. / This thesis is a historical case study of the Athlone Advice of the Black Sash of South Africa between the years 1958 and 1980.The organisation known Johannesburg in 1955 as the Black with the initial Sash was established aim of protecting the Constitution of South Africa Tram amendments which were perceived as a threat to the democratic parliamentary process. In 1958, the Black Sash, which had a membership limited to white South African women voters, was challenged by a group of women Tram its Western Cape Region who wished to transform the aims and objectives of the organisation. Under the leadership of these women, the organisation initiated contact with Africans in Cape Town and supported the anti-pass law campaigns Tram 1957 to 1960. The new dynamic thus engendered led to the opening of the Athlone Advice office, where Black Sash volunteers assisted Africans with the many problems and difficulties encountered by the implementation of apartheid ideology and legislation. This Advice office was the model Tor Black Sash Advice offices opened in eight urban centres in South Africa during the 1960's. From 1958 to c.1988, the Black Sash was transformed into an organisation aimed at furthering a culture of human rights in South Africa. By 1990, it had become internationally regarded for the role it had played, and was continuing to play, in the upholding of democratic ideals in South Africa. One of the themes I examine in this thesis is the role which the Advice offices had in the transformation of the Black Sash. Until c.1990, very little was known about the Black Sash or its membership and the two published works which covered aspects of its development were out of print. Even less was known about the Advice offices. Apart Tram monthly and annual reports sent to members and a small number of supporters, and occasional case histories published in the press, the history, substance and human dimensions of the Advice offices remained obscure. The present work is designed to illuminate a small part of that history. This thesis is intended as a case study of the pioneer Advice office established in Cape Town in 1958. The study takes a chronological form, the chapters covering five year periods Tram c.1957 to c.1980. The history of the Advice office has been placed within the context of the wider history of the Black Sash and South Africa. I attempt to assess the nature of the interaction between the Athlone Advice office and its parent organisation; the African population of Cape Town; officials in local and state government agencies ; the law courts; the general public employers, commerce and industry ; human and civil rights groups other womens' organisations ; the government and the international community. I have examined the extent to which the ideology and methodology of the Athlone Advice office reflected the changing liberal, philanthropic ethic and how the Advice office responded to notions of charity and welfare. I have also examined its response to nationalist ideology, in the form of Afrikaner and African nationalism. This thesis was not intended as a study in gender relations, but I have included comment on the role played by the women who volunteered at the Advice office.

This dissertation examines the value of state assistance for small farmers in countries beset by capital deficits. It explores how undercapitalisation inhibited capitalist development of white commercial agriculture in South Africa between 1910 and 1936. From 1937, South Africa's nationalist government intervened in markets through marketing control boards to resolve capital constraints. Accumulation, liberal credit provision and investment followed. Between 1973 and 1981 state control over markets diminished. Nonetheless development continued. This thesis calls into contention the New Institutional Economic school's premise that state involvement should be limited to protecting institutions that optimise the free market. In their approach, protection of private property is the only path to sustainable economic development. The history of white agriculture in South Africa from 1910 demonstrates that state intervention that resolves capital deficits in the context of a competitive market economy is another sustainable path.

Bibliography: pages 220-228. / This study focusses on the 1950 Witzieshoek rebellion from a gender perspective. It examines the context within which the rebellion occurred, spanning a period from 1930 to 1950 and looks at the impact of the rebellion on the state. The years leading up to the Witzieshoek rebellion were characterized by crisis as the government struggled to maintain authority over the African masses in general and African women in particular. Witzieshoek residents had to contend with growing deterioration of resources, migration and the implementation of a betterment programme. These had a differential impact on men and women in the reserve, leading to a loss of power in male authority structures and increasing autonomy for women. This fed into and moulded the development of a culture of resistance in the community which exploded in 1950 when the majority of the inhabitants revolted against the Native Affairs Department and the Trust. The Witzieshoek rebellion was a desperate bid to return to older and more familiar ways of organization which had been based on the productive and reproductive capacity of women. The men and women who rebelled were denouncing the organization of the community on Trust and Departmental terms. The response of the state to the rebellion was to appoint a Commission of Enquiry. The Commission, operating at a time when 'native' policy was being fiercely debated, was unable to offer the kind of solutions that Nationalist Party policy would eventually demand. Both the rebellion and the Commission of Enquiry failed to bring about any meaningful change to the conditions in Witzieshoek.

Bibliography: pages 232-239. / This project constitutes a close textual analysis of The South African Commercial Advertiser in the years 1824 and 1830 - 1831. It uses this text to explore issues around the making of colonial identity in Cape Town during the early nineteenth century, making use of post-structuralist theories about discourse and the textual nature of historical reality. It therefore hopes to build on already existing work which concerns this period, but which does not directly address issues of cultural change in this way. The study commences with an account of the Advertiser's conception of the place of the press in the reform agenda of the middle classes in Cape Town. It explores contemporary notions about the nature of the rational public sphere and its basis in a literate culture. The second chapter explores the reconstruction of social space in Cape Town and the way in which these middle class efforts were disrupted by troubling perceptions of the underclasses in the city. Chapters three and four address the notions of gender identity and labour organization which informed the Advertiser's conception of an appropriately civilized society, as well as exploring the way in which these perceptions were destabilized by their operation in the colonial context of the Cape. The final chapter looks at the importance of representative government in the aims of the paper, and draws together some threads on the nature of colonial identity at the Cape as expressed in the Advertiser.

Includes bibliographical references. / Fourteen South African films made between 1971 and 1988, and dealing with the Border War, are examined. The focus of this examination is on the ways in which films were used to persuade the white public to accept the legitimacy of the Border War. The period under examination is one during which the Apartheid government moved South African society ever closer to what has been termed a 'garrison state'. Rather than following the approach indicated by the notion of 'film as history', the current work attempts to use films as sources of data to explicate the nature of the ideological manipulation at stake in each case.