Bibliography: leaves 186-204. / This dissertation uses the comparative historical method to compare and contrast the responses of Southern and South African Jews to apartheid and segregation in the 1950s and 1960s. It focuses on the interrelationship of the two communities with reform rabbis and international Jewish organizations. The dissertation argues that the nature of individual and institutional responses was significantly shaped by exposure to a set of factors common to the South and South Africa. The dissertation is thematic, employing a variety of case studies. The dissertation begins by examining the effect of frontier conditions on reform rabbis. The author argues that the dispersed reform pulpits prevalent in these two contexts, and the type of rabbi that they generally attracted, served to inhibit civil rights activism. Differential exposure to these conditions, together with the presence of various liberating features, determined the risks and opportunities that frontier rabbis encountered. Thereafter, the dissertation analyzes the interactions of the Southern and South African Jewish communities with northern-based national Jewish organizations (in the case of the former) and international Jewish organizations (in the case of the latter). The author compares the interplay of the Southern lodges of the B'nai B'rith with the Anti-Defamation League, and the interrelationship of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies with various overseas Jewish groups. Whereas in the first section, rabbinical responses in the South Africa and the South are analysed together, here the two communities are dealt with separately. The author argues that the responses of external organizations were shaped by pressure from constituencies in the South and South Africa. These pressures competed with other philosophical and political considerations in determining policy towards segregation and apartheid.

The "official" narrative of the Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (National Front for the Liberation of Angola, or FNLA) as presented by FNLA documents and scholars such as Christine Messiant and Inge Brinkman, paints a picture of a liberation movement that fragmented and lost its credibility over time, from its inception in 1962 to its demise in 1978.In part, this was due to the actions, or rather inaction of its authoritarian and highly paranoid leader Holden Roberto. In contrast, however, former FNLA fighters I have interviewed remember the FNLA and Holden Roberto as having been the righteous and just vanguard of the Angolan struggle against Portuguese colonialism, and later against the MPLA Soviet"puppet" regime. For the ex-FNLA fighters, the FNLA stood for progress, inclusivity, and justice, to the extent that many of these former fighters have proclaimed their continued loyalty to the FNLA to this day. By making use of concepts such as memory, myth, as well as senses of place, belonging and identity, this thesis will examine these two divergent narratives, and will posit that the respondents' reflections on the FNLA are ultimately tied to their present identities as forgotten and betrayed war veterans.

Bibliography: leaves 140-149.

No description available.

The Rwandan genocide is a complex subject that even works of written historical discourse struggle to explain. Previous filmic studies have primarily focused on three well known Rwandan genocide films, Hotel Rwanda, Shooting Dogs and Sometimes in April; this thesis expands its focus to nine feature films. Genocide films come under immense scrutiny when judged against the events they seek to represent. This scrutiny is accompanied with a misunderstanding of what exactly genocide films are. I will be looking at four thematic topics to alleviate this misunderstanding: how the films represent the history of Rwanda and the genocide; physical violence and death during the genocide; the female experience of the genocide, with an emphasis on sexual violence; and the abandonment of Rwanda by the West, with a focus on afro-pessimism. Through this analysis, I will argue for the value they possess as a medium in being able to not only raise awareness about the genocide, but to also convey salient information, to viewers. Films are not substitutes for written historical discourse but should rather be seen as supplementary educational tools used to enrich the existing canon of work. Once one understands the different judging criteria that should be afforded to genocide films, one will be able to recognise the value they possess.

Bibliography: leaves 95-103. / This dissertation analyses the main environmental problems that were faced during the armed conflict in Mozambique between 1977 to 1992. The subject matter covered by this dissertation is diverse, including the political economy of the Region South of the Save River, the character of armed conflict and the environmental profile on the effects of the conflict in Southern Mozambique. Because when South African regime backed Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) in the early 1980s, the conflict had escalated in Southern Mozambique, and accelerated environmental problems, combined with natural disasters such as floods and droughts.

No description available.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-150). / An estimated 18.8 % of South African adults aged 15-49 are currently living with HIV. While HIV literacy campaigns and other strategies have aimed to reduce HIV incidence, there remains a general lack of knowledge of the biomedical nature of the disease. This not only inhibits attempts to reduce HIV transmission, but also discourages voluntary counseling and testing (VCT), accessing clinic care and the uptake of antiretroviral therapy. This dissertation identifies the essential role played by community health workers and treatment activists who offer 'HIV literacy' in their communities and assist the formal health care system. The aim of this study was to complement these initiatives with the development and analysis of a visual and participatory HIV literacy workshop.

This dissertation focuses on assessing and questioning the perceived 'politicisation' of the non-racial South African Council on Sport (SACOS) in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Through an institutional case study of the organisation's largest provincial football association (the Western Province Football Board (WPFB)) and its implementation of the ostensibly political Double Standards resolution, it re-examines the concept that politics captured the sports movement. Instead it is argued that sporting impetuses based in a desire for institutional survival retained primacy within the Board's decision making. In fact primarily, political ideologies were utilised to deliver sporting goals and not the other way around. This analysis is then extrapolated to demonstrate far-reaching conclusions around the relationship of sport and politics, Coloured identity and the meaning of the anti-Apartheid movement.

Besides examining the history of the Teachers' League of South Africa, a specifically coloured teachers' association, during its conservative phase from 1913 to 1940, this thesis in addition attempts to investigate the nature and development of this organization in the context of the wider social dynamic of which it was both part and product. The League is thus not only studied as a professional association but also as a specific constituent of the broader social categories of the coloured elite, the coloured people and South African society. The origins of the T.L.S.A. was rooted in the subordination of peoples of colour in Cape settler society and the development through the 19th century of a segregated education system at the Cape. More immediately, as a result of the social and political consequences of the mineral revolution intensifying racial discrimination against blacks, one of the responses of the coloured elite was the establishment of the League, through the mediation of the African Political Organisation, to protect coloured educational interests, regarded to be crucial to their advancement. The League was a typical embodiment of the assimilationist aspirations and accommodationist strategies that resulted from coloured elite marginality. This is evident in the growth and maturity of the League being largely in response to the progressive and systematic enforcement of segregation against coloureds over this period. More significantly, the League fully accepted white middle class values and codes of behaviour and its organizational life was dominated by the striving to conform to these norms. The League also displayed the essential powerlessness of the coloured elite as its representative in the tripartite contest with the Education Department and churches to influence the direction of coloured education. The interstitial position of the coloured elite in South African society was manifested by the League contradicting its basic principle of non-racism by the qualified acceptance of coloured inferiority and trying to use its closer assimilation to Western culture to claim a position of relative privilege for coloureds vis-a-vis Africans. It is apparent that at all levels of its existence the League was captive to its coloured identity and status.