Throughout its history, U.S. foreign policymakers have struggled to balance ideals with the countrys strategic goals. The political rhetoric encourages U.S. citizens to perceive their country as fighting on behalf of freedom, democracy, and human rights across the world. At the same time, support for such ideals is often tempered by national security concerns. During the 1980s, El Salvador became a central battleground of the Cold War, and a place where this tension in U.S. policy was acute. The human rights violations of the Salvadoran regime shocked the world, and El Salvadors anti-democratic traditions troubled many both in Washington and across the country. However, the presence of an intransigent, Marxist-inspired left in a region increasingly at risk for communist dominance caused some to overlook the abuses of this troubled ally. The period of the Cold War forged such uncomfortable alliances, dissimilar unions between partners with few common interests. Based on recently released government and private archival materials in the United States and El Salvador, this dissertation is a case study of how American policymakers, in the midst of hotly contested domestic debate, attempted to balance disparate goals in El Salvador during the late Cold War period. It also explores the nature of U.S. power in Latin America, and grapples with the Salvadoran response to the massive scale of U.S. intervention during that countrys civil war.

The treaty which initiated the Anglo-French Entente was signed April 8, 1904. It assumed the modest appearance of a new colonial accord having as its essential basis the recognition by Great Britain of French interests in Morocco and by France of those of Great Britain in Egypt. The two countries by the ninth article of the convention "agreed to afford one another diplomatic support in order to obtain the execution of clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and Morocco. The British view of the arrangement was that it was concerned with colonial questions in certain specified localities.

It has long been a maxim of British statecraft, to some at least of its exponents, that British foreign policy is under the control of public opinion; that Great Britain is unable to make war except with public approval; and that she can, therefore, participate only in a war which starts in a certain kind of way, with a casus belli which appeals to the sentiments of the British people. This maxim found its classic exposition in the memorandum penned by Lord Salisbury on May 29, 1901, in support of his contention that the country should remain free of the continental alliance system. [...]

The legislative elections of 1902 had marked the triumph of the Bloc des Gauches, the coalition of the Radicale with the Socialiste and of their ideals of anti-clericalism, anti-militarism, and peace. At that time, these ideals had come to constitute the essence of democracy; tor the Bloc des Gauches had grown out of the Dreyfus crisis, which was caused by the alignment of the conservative Republican government with Church and Army, the declared foes of the Republican regime.

Restricted in bulk though it was by comparison with that of neighbouring England, the foreign trade of Scotland at the close of the Middle Ages was far greater than the actual volume of traffic would suggest. Only a small minority of the Scottish population actually earned a livelihood by the sale and purchase of goods overseas, but is is probable that almost everyone who grew to maturity depended on importation from abroad for at least one item essential to his wellbeing. The country, as foreign travellers and commentators were not slow to remark, was poor, deficient indeed in many commodities necessary to civilized existence.

The late 16th century witnessed the beginning of the definition of boundaries in Western Europe and, concurrently, the growth of the national state. With few exceptions the boundaries enclosed populations of the same ethnic origins and similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. When the parallel process was initiated in Central and Eastern Europe the boundaries tended to enclose within one state several heterogeneous groups, widely divergent ethnically and culturally. Such states were faced with the problem of the relationship between the dominant nationality and the national minorities.

The geographical location of the Island of Montreal, where the St. Lawrence River meets the Ottawa, is perhaps the most significant factor contributing to Montreal’s commercial importance. Geology has assisted in making Montreal an entrepot between the Atlantic and the St. Lawrence - Great Lakes hinterland. The Sault St. Louis or Lachine Rapids, at the south-west corner of the island, are composed of extremely hard rock which resists the erosive character of the river. The Lachine Rapids are turbulent and dangerous, so that the port of Montreal at the foot of them is the farthest point accessible to ships ascending the St. Lawrence.

The connexions between lreland and Scotland reach far back. Geographically close and to some extent ethnically similar, the lnhabitants of the Western Isles of Scotland and those of Ulster bad constant communication with each other since the times of St. Columba and the Dalriadic kingdom, if not before. So near akin did these peoples appear to outsiders that the central government in Scotland referred to its lslesmen as Irish, though, from the point of view of government the Isles definitely constituted part of Scotland.

In a study of restricted scope such as this, it is important to note that certain events, which occurred in Canada prior to 1841, were of great significance in the development of a permanent system of education. In 1841, side by side with evidence of dilapidation of school buildings and other signs of the physical decline of educational institutions, stood unshaken certain pillars of a sturdy educational tradition in Lover Canada which dated back to 1635 and beyond. These pillars were to be found in the Roman Catholic Church which considered itself as the proper guardian of this tradition.

Note: Missing pages 354 and 355. / Political division in Afghanistan always created a serious problem of the north-western frontiers of British India. In the division and weakness of Afghanistan lay India's instability. A unified Afghanistan, under firm British influence, believed Lord canning, the Governor-General of India, would serve as a forceful barrier against the expansion of Russia in Central Asia. And Herat, the most north-western province of Afghanistan was the strength of this barrier. From the dawn of its history, India had been invaded from its north-western borders. Herat, was a halting station for the armies of all the great conquerors of India from Alexander, Changez Khan Mahmud to Temur, Babur and Ahmad Shah Abdali.