<p> The 2006 student movement, termed the Penguin Revolution for the black and white uniforms worn by high school students, and the 2011 student movement, called the Chilean Winter, a reference to the "Arab Spring," have captivated the attention of the media and scholars alike. However, little work has been done to place these student movements into a broader historical context. Historically, Chilean students have had a long record of both general political activism and specific activism over educational matters dating back over 100 years. Even the most recent student protests, which developed into a broader movement against the neoliberal policies implemented under the dictator General Augusto Pinochet, were preceded by demonstrations with similar demands dating back to at least 2000. However, these precedents do not explain why the movements developed between 2000 and 2011, rather than immediately after the fall of the dictatorship in 1990. I argue that part of the reason is because that the students in the twenty-first century were the first ones to attend high school and college who were not raised under the dictatorship and for that reason they did not fear the repression and violence their predecessors, who grew up predominantly under the dictatorship, experienced. Thus, an analysis of the history of student political activism in Chile, the history of Chilean politics, the history of the Chilean education system, and the neoliberal reforms, especially in education, is necessary to provide a historical, political, and social context for the recent student movements.</p>

This thesis, then, is about belonging to Australia and to the world. It is about imperialism, nationalism and the quality of goodness told through the lens of primary school students in 1930’s and 1950’s Victoria. I begin by exploring in Chapter One how the joint change in psychology and politics forced profound change to the basic framework of primary school curriculum. Children’s relationship to information was reconceived, and so too were the curricular structures necessary for this new epistemology. Spatial and temporal relations between Australia, Britain and the world were thus destabilized. But we need a much finer lens, and a more subtle understanding of the mechanisms of imaginative national belonging, if we are to describe this changing relationship. I take up this question in Chapter Two by looking at the reading resources given to children, from which they learnt complex lessons about aspects of being Australian. In Chapter Three I examine the impact of nationalism – Imperial and nation-state – in defining the child’s responsibilities. I argue that the project of nation-state nationalism that I describe, forced a change from moral to civic duty, a profound change to expectations about how and for whom children should act.

The books from which Victorian children learned to read last century held a variety of implicit social and moral values. To many children in isolated, pioneering districts of Victoria, the secular Reader was the principal source of information and ideas. The more advanced of the Irish and British Readers contained a huge variety of factual knowledge in combination with extracts from the best of English literature. Although these imported Readers underwent exclusions, adaptations and revisions, the content remained essentially foreign to colonial Australia, with a pervading moral stance originating in the high-minded intellectual and cultural traditions of Europe. Throughout the nineteenth century, there was undue emphasis on the mechanical aspects of grammar in the elementary school curriculum. In the minds of Victorian educators, the study of grammar was firmly linked with the cultivation of high ideals and an intellectual understanding of life. In reality, the grammar books were sensible and straightforward, but badly used by the poorly-educated teachers. The popularity and cheapness of the Irish and British grammar books prevented the adoption of a number of locally-produced texts. This thesis examines the changing content and use of school books during three distinct periods: the Irish monopoly, 1848-1877, the British phase, 1877-1896 and a National phase, 1896-1948. During the first phases, there were impressive local text-book publications, reflecting a desire for more local, relevant knowledge for Australian school children and a developing independence from the Home country. Most failed to secure official patronage and had limited circulation. The more successful ones attempted to meet the needs of new curriculum programmes, emphasising local knowledge relevant to colonial children.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-06, Section: A, page: 2622. Advisers: Frederick Hoxie; Kathryn Oberdeck. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2008. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-05, Section: A, page: 1705. Adviser: James D. Anderson. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-176) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Dec. 9, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-05, Section: A, page: 1706. Adviser: Andrea Walton.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [152]-[159]). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 14, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-12, Section: A, page: 4826. Adviser: Michael C. Grossberg.

Submitted by Antonio Oliveira (antoniojose@facc.ufrj.br) on 2018-01-26T18:58:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) A casa de Minerva - entre a ilha e o palácio.pdf: 8548207 bytes, checksum: 76823524c28afd1540bc14e91436f100 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-26T18:58:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) A casa de Minerva - entre a ilha e o palácio.pdf: 8548207 bytes, checksum: 76823524c28afd1540bc14e91436f100 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-08 / Reflexão sobre o processo de estruturação da instituição universitária no Brasil, inserido num projeto de construção da nacionalidade brasileira, valendo-se de referenciais teóricos dos campos da História da Educação, Ciências Sociais, Memória Social e Linguagem. Parte-se do princípio de que a construção de uma pesquisa se faz mediante a ampliação do conceito de documentos, já que estes também são monumentos e, desta forma, são suscetíveis a subjetividades e intencionalidades por vezes não expressas verbal e claramente em sua produção, conservação, perpetuação e divulgação, sobretudo quando se trata de documentos oficiais das instituições. Considera-se, ainda, que os discursos institucionais ou dispositivos legais nem sempre explicitam divergências e contradições em confronto e evocam (quando não perpetuam) a memória de determinados grupos num contexto sóciohistórico específico. Concebe-se o discurso, como expresso em sua materialidade, como “palavra em movimento” e, desse modo, há que se compreender também a forma como significa, produzindo sentidos. A palavra reveste-se de um sentido ideológico a depender do contexto sóciohistórico em que é proferida e liga-se diretamente às experiências de vida de indivíduos ou grupos. Por sua vez, todo discurso expressa e produz sentidos e, mais do que somente expressar um “puro pensamento”, configura-se como consequência e fonte de relações ideológicas. Por isso torna-se imprescindível perceber, em toda pesquisa, quem são os sujeitos envolvidos bem como o contexto no qual se inscrevem as formações discursivas que conformam os discursos. Ao retomar os documentos, confrontá-los entre si, à luz de indagações empreendidas na contemporaneidade, construindo novos sentidos e redes de significados para os eventos pretéritos, espera-se articular aqui os campos da história e da memória numa perspectiva transdisciplinar. Por intermédio da Análise de Discurso da vertente francesa e das reflexões empreendidas por Mikhail Bakhtin e seu Círculo, pretende-se conferir aos registros documentais novas perguntas, já que as maneiras de expressão e registros não são inocentes e despidas das ideologias dos sujeitos. Para além de sua aparente neutralidade, revelam estruturas mentais, maneiras de perceber e organizar a realidade, por meio das redes de memórias sociais produzidas a partir de formas específicas de lembranças – e esquecimentos - e de atribuição de sentidos. Valendo-se das associações entre os discursos oficiais de Estado, os enunciados dos sujeitos e os documentos institucionais, procura-se entender a Universidade do Brasil como um modelo específico de instituição universitária coincidente ao projeto nacional-desenvolvimentista característico da centralização política do período Vargas. Sua existência, nesse sentido, implicava a supressão de modelos alternativos de outras instituições universitárias, alimentados por filiações ideológicas conflitantes ao modelo estadonovista. Dessa forma, sofreu constante interferência à sua pretensa autonomia institucional e teve, em seu interior, constantes embates entre grupos que se opuseram historicamente aos rumos de sua trajetória e construção identitária. Nesse sentido, parte-se do princípio de que a problemática discursiva sobre os locais a sediar a universidade configura-se como metáfora de uma discursividade que atravessava uma problemática maior: seu projeto pedagógico que lhe conferiria uma identidade institucional. Metáfora aqui entendida, não apenas como figura de linguagem, mas como transferência que estabelece novos modos de significações para os discursos. / Examines the structuring process of the university education in Brazil, inserted in a nationality construction project, drawing on theoretical frameworks from the fields of History of Education, Social Sciences, Social Memory and Language. We start out from the principle that the construction of a piece of research is done by expanding the concept of what documents are, insofar as these are also monuments and are, thus, susceptible to subjectivities and intentionalities which are sometimes not verbally and clearly expressed in their production, conservation, perpetuation and dissemination, especially when one is dealing with official documents from institutions. We also believe that institutional discourse or legal provisions sometimes fail to explain clashing discrepancies and contradictions, and evoke, if not perpetuate, the memory of certain groups in a specific social-historical context. We conceive discourse, expressed in its materiality, as “words in movement” and thus it is also crucial to understand the way it produces different meanings. Words bear an ideological meaning depending on the socio-historical context in which they are uttered and they are directly linked to the life experiences of individuals or groups. In turn, all discourse expresses and produces meanings and, over and above expressing a “pure thought”, it appears as a consequence and a source of ideological relations. Therefore, it is of paramount importance that, in all research, one correctly identifies the subjects as well as the context in which the discoursive formations appear. When we examine documents, comparing them in the light of contemporary investigation, building new meanings and new networks of meaning for past events, we hope to relate the fields of history and meaning from a transdiciplinary perspective. Through French Discourse Analysis as well as the theoretical framework of Mikhail Bakthtin's and his Circle, we intend to pose new questions about the document archives, since the ways of expression and recording are not innocent or devoid of the subjects' ideologies. Beyond their apparent neutrality, words reveal mental structures, ways of perceiving and organizing reality, through memory networks produced from specific memories – and lapses of memory – and attributions of meanings. Using associations between the State’s official discourse, subjects’ utterances and institutional documents, we try to understand the University of Brazil as a specific model of university institution which coincides with the national developmental project, typical of Vargas's policy of political centralization. Its existence, in this sense, implied the obliteration of alternative models from other universities, which were fuelled by ideological affiliations that conflicted with Vargas's New State model. In this way, there was constant interference with its so-called institutional autonomy and it showed constant internal struggles by groups which were historically opposed to its objectives and its identity construction. In this sense, we start off from the principle that the discourse employed to discuss the possible locations of the university can be seen as a metaphor within a specific discourse pattern which presented a more serious conflict: the university’s pedagogical project, which would ultimately give it an institutional identity. Metaphor is here understood not only as a figure of speech but also as a transfer process that establishes new meanings for discourse.

During the first half of the twentieth century, Mordecai Wyatt Johnson was one of the most notable leaders and orators in the African American community. He was best known as the first Black president of Howard University, a post he held from 1926 to 1960. But throughout this public life, he was also a forceful defender of Black civil rights, a vocal critic of colonialism in Africa and Asia, and an opponent of American militarism during the Cold War. This dissertation examines the intersections between Johnson's roles as an educator at a federally-funded Black institution and his political stances on behalf of civil rights, economic justice, and self-determination. In particular, it seeks to determine the extent to which the competing demands from Johnson's various constituencies—White federal officials, Howard University students, faculty and alumni, the larger African American community, and other Black leaders—affected the expression of his political ideas during his tenure as Howard president. Given Johnson's long public career as a Baptist preacher, civil rights activist, orator, and educator, this dissertation will examine a number of important themes, including the role of the Black church in early civil rights movements; the effect of anti-Communism on African American protest; academic freedom in historically-Black colleges and universities; African American perspectives on United States foreign policy; and the impact of White funding on Black institutions of higher education. In this manner, the career of Mordecai Johnson is used to illustrate a number of important themes in the development of Black political movements from the 1910s through the 1960s.