Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 245-251).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-163).

The study seeks to delineate the African socio-political environment through an analytical contextualisation of repetitive authoritative systems, which perpetuate exclusion and the formation of politicised identity. Through a process of historical evaluation of African politics since the majority of states became independent, the study attempts to test a constructed triangular supposition that explains why identity disputation persists at almost every level of African governance. Bearing in mind the almost natural progression of African politics towards identity contestation, the second overriding objective seeks to evaluate the secession of South Sudan as a possible preventative model for identity politicised conflict. In this fashion, the study delves into the politics of a previously unified Sudan; and the events that led South Sudan to eventually seek secession. The primary objective of the study is to evaluate the assumption that territorial secession in Africa is able to quell identity contestation and promote an opportunity for equitable democratic governance. To meet the above objectives, a comprehensive outlay of African socio-politics and governance will be utilised to frame the analysis. Firstly, the study seeks to elaborate on the historiography of African colonial legacy as providing the foundations of identity exclusive politics on the continent. In this way, considerable investigative reverence must be given to the respective policies of colonial administration, namely indirect rule and direct rule. The effects of either of these policies contend a type of socio-political conditioning of African elites and civil society that still persists at time of writing. The concentration of this endeavour will be focused towards indirect colonial policy most famously implemented by British colonialism. The effects of the British policy of ethnic and ethno-religious categorisation is vitally important to a greater understanding of the majority of examples studied in the literature, including the formation of identity contestation in the case of the Sudan. Secondly, to further understand the complex dynamism of African politics which lead to identity based disputation, the study will turn to an analysis of the rhetoric of African independent governance and ideology. The primary objective here will be to detail how differing enactments of African ideology, including the advent of Pan-Arabism to the case of Sudan, ultimately continued the tradition of exclusive citizenship and dominance of some groups over others on the continent. This leads the study to uncover the deeper reasons for why socio-political exclusion continues to the present day. The final dimension of the triangular process suggests that exclusion has been maintained in Africa to prevent access of subverted groups to governance structures and more importantly to the limited resources of African states. Finally, the case of the secession of South Sudan is interpreted through the analytical lens of politicised identity that forms in the face of inadequate state structures to provide legitimate democratic access to the state. The third facet of the proposed theoretical triangle suggests that conflict and contestation is a product of grievances expressed from political exclusion. In this way, it is pivotal to the study to assess whether secession, as in the case of South Sudan, provides a valid alternative platform for suppressing identity contestation and promoting effective democratic consolidation. By all accounts, there is overwhelming evidence already to suggest that secession may be a successful way to repress identity politicisation. However, there remain substantial hurdles for many African states, including a now autonomous South Sudan, in order to finally dissolve the enduring problems of socio-political exclusion. Propositions and possible solutions will be posited for these states as an ad hoc objective.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the relationship between place, identity and musical practice. The study is inspired by Malta’s history and culture. This work presents a portfolio of seven musical compositions with a written component that highlights the historical and socio-cultural issues that had a bearing on the works presented. A case study of the Maltese composer Charles Camilleri is also provided. Camilleri is both a great example of a composer for whom the articulation of national identity was a primary concern and a constant source of inspiration for the author of this thesis. The pieces presented here comprise compositions for chamber ensemble, works for orchestra and two electroacoustic pieces. These works were part of projects translated into performances and artistic installations. All of them have been carried out over the past six years and the majority have been developed through synergetic collaboration with other artists. The majority of the compositions have direct links with Maltese culture and the important events in its history. All the works presented in the portfolio are bound in separate volumes and reference is made to them in the critical commentary within the body of the thesis. A number of CDs and DVDs accompany this document with recordings and MIDI files of the selected compositions.

The central argument of this text is that the liberal subject is constitutively rather than coincidentally or contingently exclusionary. From this initial premise, I explore the conceptual and practical inadequacies of liberal articulations of multicultural justice, many of which I argue can be traced back to this exclusionary subject. When making this critique, I frame my analysis around the scholarship of Canadian philosopher Will Kymlicka, whose articulation of a distinctly liberal defense of the value of cultural belonging has shaped much of mainstream theoretical debate on multiculturalism both within Canada and elsewhere. Although Kymlicka’s work has faced a multitude of critiques from within and without liberal theory, he is widely recognized as the most prominent liberal defender of multiculturalism, and his work has been particularly influential within related discussions of national unity, multicultural accommodation, and national identity in Canada. I have chosen, then, to focus my critique of liberal multiculturalism on Kymlicka specifically for two reasons. Firstly, due to his prominence within the field and, secondly – and more importantly – because of the instrumental relationship between subject and culture which Kymlicka defends throughout his work. Despite this critical focus, what is primarily at stake in such a project is a rearticulation rather than a rejection of multiculturalism. While my arguments are based fundamentally on a critical interrogation, and ultimately a rejection, of liberal articulations of multicultural justice, within my project I also offer an alternative model of multiculturalism conceived as a vital form of epistemic cooperation. Such an alternative defense of multiculturalism is rooted in a commitment to the value of everyday experience, a more dialectically formed and culturally embedded sense of self, and finally, a critical and substantive awareness of context, both contemporary and historical. In making this positive case for a more radical form of multiculturalism expressed through intercultural dialogue/negotiation and a widening of the public sphere, I challenge dominant understandings of the value of multiculturalism defended within liberal theory and the mainstream of Canadian Political Science (CPS). / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2013-05-29 14:51:51.628

Since the end of apartheid, issues pertaining to South African identity construction have attracted increased scholarly attention. This is reflected in a growing body of literature in several disciplines that analyze identities in post-apartheid South Africa. At the same time, a number of factors led to an equally increasing interest in Islamic and Muslim politics. However, the interest remains to a great extent concerned with the history of Islam in Africa, with very little attention paid to contemporary Muslim politics in its broader sense or indeed what this means in the South African context. This thesis, about Muslims’ identities in South Africa, aims to merge these two fields of identities in-formation and Muslim politics. In an attempt to unpack identity discourses within the Muslim community in South Africa, the study will address three main questions: How are Muslims’ identities formulated? How do they relate to each other? And how do they develop in different contexts? In order to answer the aforementioned questions the thesis will focus on how religious identities intersect with other levels of identification mainly national, ethnic and political identities. By answering the broader questions about identity construction processes, the thesis is able to address several other more specific questions. For example, what kind of interplay exists between the different identities such as those that are religious, ethnic, socio-economic or political? What does this interplay suggest in terms of the hierarchy of identities in different contexts? Instead of using identity as an analytical category, the thesis adopts the term ‘identification’, which reflects both the processes according to which identities are formulated as well as the context contingent nature of identities. After analyzing the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of identity construction, the rest of the thesis discusses the extent to which Islam has informed Muslims’ identities at three separate, yet intersected and connected, levels. At the political identity level, I argue that religious identity has relatively little bearing on the articulation of Muslims’ political identities in post-apartheid South Africa, by comparison with the apartheid era when political activism of Muslims was heavily charged by Islamic ethos and principles. I also argue that the stance adopted by Islamic religious bodies in the anti-apartheid struggle undermined their influence within the Muslim community to a great extent as far as political identities are concerned. In other contexts however, religious bodies enjoy a more prominent role; that is particularly evident in negotiating Muslims’ rights regarding Muslim Personal Law, which is highlighted as a case in point to show how citizenship, and thus national identity, is intertwined with religious identity. At a third and final level, ethnic identities within the Muslim community are examined through the inter-community relations, which reveal that racial and ethnic identification is best understood through both cultural as well as structural approaches.

There is a moment in Edward Yang’s acclaimed film Yi Yi (2000) in which a young boy in a conversation with his father observes that he cannot see what his father sees and that his father cannot see what he sees, prompting two questions: “How can I know what you see?” and “Can we only know half of the truth?” Unable to provide adequate answers, his father instead offers his son a camera. Later in the film, the same boy presents his uncle with a picture he took of the back of his head. When asked why, the boy responds by saying, “You cannot see it yourself, so I’m helping you.” These two scenes in Yang’s film illustrate the spirit of the questions that guide the aesthetic approach I have taken in my own documentary project. My thesis is composed of two parts: a video project and a research paper, the former of which is a documentary entitled Yi. Named after its primary subject, the film explores the intersections of transnational migrancy and cultural identity through a series of interviews that are intercut with scenes of everyday life that are shot in an observational style. The research paper that follows will situate the project within a specific historical, conceptual, and aesthetic context, before delineating how the cinematic composition of my documentary engages with this framework.

The twentieth century saw the spread of Western art music across the world as Western ideology and values acquired increasing dominance in the global order. How did this process occur in China, what complexities does it display and what are its distinctive features? This thesis aims to provide a detailed and coherent understanding of the Westernisation of Chinese music in the 20th century, focusing on the ever-changing relationship between music and social ideology and the rise and evolution of national identity as expressed in music. This thesis views these issues through three crucial stages: the early period of the 20th century which witnessed the transition of Chinese society from an empire to a republic and included China's early modernisation; the era from the 1930s to 1940s comprising the Japanese intrusion and the rising of the Communist power; and the decades of economic and social reform from 1978 onwards. The thesis intertwines the concrete analysis of particular pieces of music with social context and demonstrates previously overlooked relationships between these stages. It also seeks to illustrate in the context of the appropriation of Western art music how certain concepts acquired new meanings in their translation from the European to the Chinese context, for example modernity, Marxism, colonialism, nationalism, tradition, liberalism, and so on.

The following collection, Bent, is comprised of 11 stories and one novel excerpt. The stories, while they stand alone as individual works, are tied together by their questions. "Boy Box," "Lemons," "Claws," "Heart Feathers," "Hot," "Empire," and "How We Were Tamed" experiment with magic and suspension of disbelief in the most overt ways, while "Saints," "Glaciology," and "Cartographers and Creeps" seek instead to work within the constraints of folklore through less stated modes by adopting more of the atmospheric qualities of the tradition. The following stories are curious about the way fairy tales can be reworked to represent diverse, non-heteronormative, worldviews, while dealing explicitly with issues of sexuality, identity politics, and loss of innocence. The excerpt from Swallow is lifted from the opening pages of a novel in progress. Swallow follows Claire during a year at college as she investigates issues of art-making, obsession, bodies, and same sex attraction. There is also an overarching, more dystopian theme that deals with the climate crisis and raises questions about value making in a world that is degrading around us.

This research considers material culture, the politics of identity, and the role knowledge plays in a Maori community in relation to a nineteenth century historic collection held abroad. The Charles Smith collection came from the Nga Paerangi community in Whanganui, New Zealand. The importance of historic collections to Maori are described through the concept taonga, or treasured objects, which have been theorized in terms of kinship relationships to a certain class of social valuable. This research acknowledges that taonga uphold the continuity of historic relationships, but departs from other analyses in its focus on a previously unknown collection, introduced to the source community through photographs in an exploration of ways taonga interactions are historically and circumstantially informed. Visually focused research endeavors often present diverse responses in a meeting of the social life of objects and the politics of knowledge. Similarly, divergent responses to taonga arose that referenced the colonial contexts in which such taonga left Maori control, as well as losses to knowledge bases in the community. Endeavors to reclaim lands and cultural heritage through language and education initiatives operate at a local level of regeneration, but these goals become pertinent to larger issues of placing knowledge within a rights-based framework grounded in personal socializations of knowledge. The recognition that knowledge is taonga emerged as the framework for understanding ways Maori assert their authority over land, their language, and museum collections based in particular dispositions to knowledge. The control enacted over cultural representations in museums, land courts, and other political forums, asserts self-determinative positions, and also claims Maori knowledge as a scarce resource. Community speakers who have access to this powerful knowledge must therefore act on behalf of their communities as guardians of knowledge and taonga treasures, to redress historic losses, outsider appropriations of culture, and prevent further social disadvantages.