Recent research has cast doubt on the suggestion that immigration weakens the societal foundation of a redistributive welfare state: there is little evidence of a negative relationship between immigration-induced diversity and public support for social programs. This research has largely overlooked, however, that unease about immigration is likely to have a more selective effect on solidarity. In some countries, the public has become less willing to share benefits with newcomers, and policy-makers have acted upon that sentiment, implementing limits and restrictions on immigrants’ welfare access. By combining quantitative data analysis of fourteen countries and a qualitative comparison of the Netherlands, Canada, and Sweden, this research explores when and how such expressions of selective solidarity are most likely to occur. The main findings are threefold. First, there is no evidence that actual patterns of immigrant welfare dependence are an important driver of selective solidarity or immigrant-excluding welfare reforms. Second, more important is how those patterns are politically translated. In the Netherlands, high levels of immigrant welfare dependence are commonly described as a sign that immigrants are lazy welfare cheats. In Canada and Sweden, the discourse is less accusatory and divisive, and attempts at welfare exclusion are consequently rarer. Country characteristics, in particular the political strength of anti-immigrant parties, the nature of national identity, and the structure of the welfare state, explain why the political translation differs between countries. Third, the primary constraint on immigrant-excluding welfare reforms tends not to be public opposition but legal prohibitions on differential treatment embedded in national legislation and international treaties. Sometimes politicians are forced to amend or withdraw from existing legislation before they can pass exclusionary reforms; in other cases the reforms are simply not possible. In sum, in some welfare states access to benefits has changed from an individual social right to a privilege for those lucky enough to be born in the country or to have lived long enough on its territory and acquired the necessary documentation. But this development is not unavoidable. Where forces of cohesion are stronger than forces of division, welfare states will likely address immigrant welfare dependence by more sanguine means than disentitlement. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2013-04-24 14:12:18.2

<p>This dissertation consists of three separate studies that examine patterns of immigrant incorporation in the United States. The first study tests competing hypotheses derived from conflicting theoretical frameworks−transnational perspective and cross-national framework− to determine whether transnational engagement and incorporation are concurrent processes among Chinese, Indian, and Mexican immigrants. This study measures transnational engagement and incorporation as home and home country asset ownership using multi-panel, nationally representative data from the New Immigrant Survey (NIS) collected in 2003 and 2007. Results support a cross-border framework and indicate that transnational asset ownership decreases among all immigrant groups, while U.S. asset ownership increases. Findings from this study also indicate that due to disadvantaged pre-migration SES and low human capital, Mexican immigrants are less likely than other immigrants to own home country assets during the year after receiving their green card. </p><p>The second study examines the doubly disadvantaged position of elderly immigrants in the U.S. wealth distribution by applying the life course perspective to the dominance-differentiation theory of immigrant wealth stratification. I analyze elderly immigrant wealth in respect to U.S.-born seniors and younger immigrant cohorts using two data sets: the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) and the New Immigrant Survey (NIS). The Survey of Income and Program Participation (2001 to 2005) is a nationally representative survey of U.S. households. The first series of analyses reveals a significant wealth gap between U.S.- and foreign-born seniors which is most pronounced among the wealthiest households in my sample; however, U.S. tenure explains much of this difference. The second series of analyses suggests that elderly immigrants experience greater barriers to incorporation compared to their younger counterparts. </p><p>In the third study, I apply a transnational lens to the forms-of-capital and opportunity structure models of entrepreneurship in order to analyze the role of foreign resources in immigrant business start-ups. I propose that home country property use represents financial, social, and class resources that facilitate immigrant entrepreneurship. I test my hypotheses using survey data on Latin American immigrants from the Comparative Immigrant Entrepreneurship Project. Findings from these analyses suggest that home country asset ownership provides financial and social capital that is related to an increased likelihood of immigrant entrepreneurship.</p> / Dissertation

In the 1870s, Manitoba was a province in the midst of transition from an Indigenous and Métis space to an agricultural centre for the Canadian nation. During this transition, the English and French-language newspapers (both Métis and Franco-Manitoban) of Manitoba documented Mennonite immigration, families, and farming practices. This thesis explores the observation accompanying the nation-building project of Mennonite immigration reserves. Through the newspapers, governments and other residents of Manitoba were able to monitor the successes and failings of the Mennonites, telling stories about their arrival and adjustment. The tensions around the re-making of Manitoba into a Canadian province are evident, and debates about immigration were often centred on Mennonites. While Mennonites themselves may or may not have been aware of their role in the colonial project, they were, nevertheless, recruits and participants in the larger national and provincial ambitions for the future success of Manitoba as part of the nation. / October 2016

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Thesis advisor: Kevin Kenny / Between 1835 and 1893, the majority of immigrants who settled in Chicago were of Irish or German birth. Even though the city’s economic leaders’ plans to transform Chicago into a center of international trade required the labor of these immigrants, Irish and German Chicagoans were still the targets of nativism. They were not, however, merely objects of nativism; instead, they were able to challenge nativist-inspired policies and assumptions about the inability of immigrants to become loyal Americans. They demonstrated their allegiance to the U. S. through service in independent ethnic militias and challenged policies that they felt unfairly targeted them, such as temperance laws in the 1850s, militia laws in the 1870s, and educational policy in the 1880s. But after 1865, as Chicago industrialized, labor conflict grew. As a result, the success of immigrants’ efforts to demonstrate their allegiance or combat nativist-inspired policies relied on their willingness to distance themselves from radicalism. While pre-1860 immigrant groups had banded together based on ethnicity, and often courted the support of and shared membership with ethnic labor organizations, by the end of the 1880s the class issues that were dividing the city also divided Irish and German ethnic organizations. After an unknown assailant threw a bomb during a labor rally in 1886, causing widespread fear of social revolution, Irish- and German-American ethnic leaders made clear their rejection of radicalism in order to continue to demonstrate their allegiance to the U. S. and their embrace of social and political views acceptable to the city’s elite. Their rejection of radicalism was in one sense a retreat, but it also assured that they would continue to be part of the process of constructing modern Chicago. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: Eric Dearing / Family educational involvement is consistently and positively associated with child achievement, but little work has closely examined the involvement practices of families of color, particularly immigrant families. Utilizing data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study - Kindergarten Cohort 1998-99 (ECLS-K), this study used Hierarchical Linear Modeling to analyze trajectories of parent-reported barriers to involvement and rates of parent involvement from kindergarten through grade five for children of Whites, Blacks, U.S.-born Latinos, U.S.-born Asians, Latino immigrants, and Asian immigrants. Additionally, it examined between and within-family associations between family involvement and children's mathematics and reading achievement across elementary school. Analyses focused on similarities and differences in these trajectories across racial, ethnic, and immigrant groups. Results demonstrated that parent-reported barriers to involvement at school were generally highest at kindergarten and diminished over time, but immigrant parents consistently reported the highest levels of barriers. Although immigrant parents had significantly lower levels of school-based involvement than non-immigrants, their educational expectations for their children were significantly higher than that of white parents. Moreover, while school-based involvement tended to peak at grade 3 and decrease between grades 3 and 5 for most groups, parents' educational expectations remained relatively stable. Importantly, school-based involvement positively predicted both math and reading achievement across all groups. However, there was a significant moderating effect of race, ethnicity, and immigrant status for educational expectations. Parents' educational expectations were significantly less predictive of achievement for children of Blacks, Latinos, and Latino immigrants compared to Whites. In addition, there was some evidence that school characteristics mediated this interaction. Specifically, mediated moderation was evident for parents' educational expectations such that these expectations were less strongly associated with mathematics achievement of children of U.S.-born Latinos compared to Whites, in part because these Latino children attended schools with greater concentrations of poverty. Implications for families, schools, and policy are discussed in light of the changing demographics of the United States. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental, and Educational Psychology.

by Wai-wah Ng. / Chinese title: / Bibliography: leaves 215-220 / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1982

作者羅榮健. / 複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院社會學部. / Fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references. / Zuo zhe Luo Rongjian. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan she hui xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1-14 / Chapter 第二章 --- 研究分析架構 --- p.15-27 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法與個案特徵 --- p.28-34 / Chapter 第四章 --- 中國合法移民來港的主要動機及期望 --- p.35-81 / Chapter 〈一〉 --- 中國合法移民的主要來港動機 --- p.37-60 / Chapter 〈二〉 --- 城鄉之差別 --- p.61-68 / Chapter 〈三〉 --- 男女差別 --- p.69-75 / Chapter 〈四〉 --- 中國合法移民來港前對香港的印象與期望 --- p.76-81 / Chapter 第五章 --- 中國合法移民在港之適應問題 / Chapter 〈一〉 --- 中國合法移民在港之生活情況 --- p.84-111 / Chapter 1 --- 就業情況 --- p.84-92 / Chapter 2 --- 交友情況 --- p.93-97 / Chapter 3 --- 社會團體組織之參與 --- p.98-103 / Chapter 4 --- 鄰居關係 --- p.104-106 / Chapter 5 --- 工餘閒暇活動 --- p.107-111 / Chapter 〈二〉 --- 最能令中國合法移民感到快樂不快樂的事情 --- p.112-117 / Chapter 第六章 --- 影響中國合法移民在港之適應的因素 --- p.118-190 / Chapter 〈一〉 --- 個人層面 --- p.119-136 / Chapter 1 --- 移民來港之自願性 --- p.119-124 / Chapter 2 --- 移民來港前對香港情況之了解 --- p.125-128 / Chapter 3 --- 居港時間之長短 --- p.129-132 / Chapter 4 --- 語言的問題 --- p.133-136 / Chapter 〈二〉 --- 社會層面 / Chapter 1 --- 移民來港動機及期望之達成 --- p.137-141 / Chapter 2 --- 社會關係網路之重建 --- p.142-145 / Chapter 3 --- 就業及工作問題 --- p.146-154 / Chapter 4 --- 移民在港之家庭關係 --- p.155-159 / Chapter 5 --- 大眾傳播媒介的影響 --- p.160-165 / Chapter 6 --- 香港社會對移民之社會反應與接納 --- p.166-172 / Chapter 7 --- 香港社會文化環境與移民原地的相近性 --- p.173-178 / Chapter 〈三〉 --- 城鄉之差別 --- p.179-184 / Chapter 〈四〉 --- 男女之差別 --- p.185-190 / Chapter 第七章 --- 中國合法移民在港之適應策略 --- p.191-207 / Chapter 〈一〉 --- 降低其對在港生活的期望或把期望寄望將來 --- p.191-195 / Chapter 〈二〉 --- 將期望寄望於下一代 --- p.196-198 / Chapter 〈三〉 --- 勤奮工作、刻苦耐勞、以及努力學習 --- p.198-201 / Chapter 〈四〉 --- 接受香港人比自己優勝 --- p.201-204 / Chapter 第八章 --- 中國合法移民與非法移民之主要差別 --- p.208-228 / Chapter 〈一〉 --- 中國非法移民之人口特徵 --- p.212-215 / Chapter 〈二〉 --- 非法移民的動機及期望 --- p.216-220 / Chapter 〈三〉 --- 社會適應問題 --- p.221-227 / Chapter 第九章 --- 結論 --- p.229-239 / 注釋 / 參考書目 / Chapter 附錄 --- （一）　被訪合法移民個案簡述 / （二）　被訪非法移民個案簡述

Cette thèse propose une analyse de la mobilité intra-européenne des travailleurs citoyens européens et ressortissants de pays tiers en soulignant les enjeux de construction d’un marché du travail européen. L’opportunité d’une articulation entre politiques de mobilité intra-européenne des travailleurs et politique d’immigration communautarisée est étudiée. La première partie de cette thèse, à dominante analytique, permet de caractériser la situation européenne, ses systèmes et régimes de mobilité et de migration ainsi que les marchés du travail nationaux par rapport aux puissances mondiales actuelles. Ce travail est conduit avec un souci permanent de dépasser les données agrégées cachant des différences marquées entre Etats membres. L’éclairage critique dans la deuxième partie des politiques publiques européennes actuelles menées en matière de promotion de la mobilité intra-européenne des travailleurs permet de formuler des recommandations. La troisième partie propose d’étudier trois dimensions de la mobilité intra-européenne : l’étude dans un premier chapitre des déterminants d’un recrutement à l’étranger révèle que certaines caractéristiques propres à l’entreprise et à son secteur d’activité favorisent le recrutement à l’étranger, au-delà des caractéristiques du poste à pourvoir. La thèse montre dans un deuxième chapitre que la blue card européenne ne peut être efficace théoriquement en l’état du fait de l’absence de dimension européenne. Enfin, l’étude de la mobilité étudiante confirme le caractère cumulatif de la mobilité, son impact variable sur les performances académiques et sa polarisation sur les plus qualifiés. / This thesis presents an analysis of the intra-European mobility of European workers and citizens and of third country nationals (TCNs), focusing on the issues of building a European labor market. We are mainly interested in the opportunity of a link between intra-European mobility policies for workers and the European migration policy. The first part of the thesis is predominantly analytical. It characterizes the current situation of the European Union, its mobility patterns, its migration systems and regimes as well as the articulation with its national labor markets. The European situation is compared to the leading immigration countries outside EU. This analysis is conducted with an ongoing effort to go beyond the aggregate data, which may hide important national differences between Member States, and even marked divergences. Using this analysis, the second part is devoted to a critical review of the current European public policies for the promotion of intra-EU mobility of workers, leading to recommendations. The third part combines theoretical and empirical approaches for studying three dimensions of intra-EU mobility. In the first chapter, the study of the determinants of foreign recruitment reveals some specific features of the firms recruiting abroad, beyond the characteristics of the jobs. In the second chapter, we show that the current version of the European blue card cannot be efficient: one of the main reasons for this inefficiency is the lack of articulation with expanded rights for intra-European mobility of holding a blue card. Finally, the study of student mobility confirms the cumulative nature of mobility and polarization of the most qualified.

The interest in the effects of immigration on the UK labour market has increased in the past decade. According to the ONS, the upsurge of non-EU citizens in the UK began in 1997 and peaked in 2004 before declining thereafter. Following the A8- accession in 2004, the migration of EU citizens has witnessed a cyclical pattern by increasing till the recession, declining, and then increasing again in recent years. Migration patterns have also changed regionally. For example, traditionally immigrant attracting regions such as London saw the lowest percentage increase in foreign born workers, whereas regions like the North east of England, Wales and Scotland gained popularity between 2005 and 2016. This thesis aims at understanding the impact of immigration on UK regional wages between 1991 and 2016. The analysis presented in this thesis is split by the pre-and post-recession periods using the BHPS and the UKHLS datasets. The instrument variable based estimation results suggest that at the regional level, immigration had an insignificant impact on native average wages in the pre-recession period (1999-2009) but had a negative impact in the postrecession period (2009-2016) in Great Britain. For England, the results were negative in the pre-recession period possibly indicating the importance of migration to the labour markets of Scotland and Wales. Allowing for imperfect substitution between natives and immigrants, at the wage distribution level of the natives, the results concluded that in the pre-recession period, immigrants had a negative impact on the 10th wage percentile. In the post-recession period, the impact was concluded to be positive at all percentiles and insignificant at the 10th wage percentile. The analysis was also extended by including the regional role of capital adjustment with imperfect substitution between immigrants and natives. The results indicated that immigrants had a negative impact on regional average wages of England from 2009-2016.