This dissertation explores the role of cognition—the elements, structures and processes of individual and collective thought—in finding effective, cooperative solutions to climate change. It makes three contributions—theoretical, empirical, and methodological—to international relations scholarship. First, it explores cognition as a significant variable in international political life, developing an analytical framework that not only links a cognitive framework of analysis to major IR theories but bridges current theoretical divides between rationalism and constructivism. Second, by identifying and visualizing current belief systems of participants in global climate negotiations, the thesis offers insights regarding cognitive obstacles to multilateral cooperation. The most important obstacle is a clash of substantively and emotionally different belief systems. Depending on the specific constellation of a person’s beliefs about collective identity, perceptions of climate-change threat, and associated emotions, some belief systems contain normative beliefs about justice (i.e., a dominant logic of appropriateness), while others do not. The latter belief systems reflect the national-interest logic of consequences. Focusing in particular on the “wicked” characteristics of climate change, the analysis further reveals a neglect of scientific knowledge (in particular knowledge of the possibility of climate tipping points), a serious under-valuation of the distant future, and perceptions of a number of constraints on agency, some of which cannot be resolved within the negotiations. The study also identifies six distinct belief systems among climate negotiators, which I label The International Community, A Minilateral Club, The Market, Individuals, The Developed World, and The Irresponsible West. The key element distinguishing these belief systems is actor type, which affects problem definitions, proposed solutions, political strategies, and more generally an actor’s role in global climate governance. Third, this dissertation expands the methodological toolbox available to IR scholars by demonstrating the value and synergistic power of cognitive-affective mapping and Q Method. These are powerful tools to reveal individual and collective belief systems respectively.

This thesis aims to examine the role that the internal politics of the UK and the EU has on their ability to act as leaders in the so-called Brexit negotiations. The study focuses in particular on issues related to the future trade relationship between the two parts. It builds on functionalist and rational institutionalist understandings of international institutions and assumes that the European commission is a supranational institution with an independent ‘actorness’. First the internal politics and the EU and the UK is examined, especially focusing on the level of agreement or disagreement between internal actors. Thereafter, different concepts of leadership developed by Arild Underdal and Oran Young is used to investigate how the level of internal cohesion affects both parts’ abilities to influence the negotiations through leadership. The study finds a high level of unity between the different EU institutions, while it finds a high level of disagreement on several issues within the British government. It is concluded that this influences the parties’ abilities to exercise effective leadership in several ways. As these negotiations at the current stage are on-going, this study does not make conclusions about the actors ability to influence the negotiation outcome. It focuses specifically on the negotiations as they took place within a limited timeframe between the 14th of February and 23rd of April 2018.

Esta dissertação visa compreender a participação do setor empresarial nas negociações internacionais do Brasil. Para isso, será analisado o posicionamento do setor referente às negociações do Mercosul, Organização Mundial do Comércio e Mercosul-União Européia, enfocando nas posições da Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI) emitidas em documentos e declarações à imprensa no período 2003-2010. No debate da relevância do empresariado como ator político, os resultados da pesquisa buscam identificar se ocorreram mudanças no papel do setor no período do governo Lula em termos de representação e participação nas negociações internacionais, com recorte no balanço da evolução do posicionamento e da influência da CNI nessas negociações. / This dissertation aims to understand the entrepreneurial sector participation in international negotiations of Brazil. For this, the dissertation will analyse the sector\'s position on the negotiations of Mercosur, the WTO and Mercosur-European Union, focusing on the positions of the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) issued in documents and statements to the press in the period 2003-2010. In discussing the importance of entrepreneurs as a political actor, the search results try to identify whether there were changes in the role of the sector in the period of Lulas government in terms of representation and participation in international negotiations, with clipping on the balance of the CNI\'s positioning and influence in those negotiations.

Background This thesis explores the role of ethics in negotiations within the international defence industry. Existing gaps in literature are identified by using two existing literature reviews: one concerning negotiations and one concerning ethics. The gaps in existing literature lead to the need for a number of areas of development: the need for new negotiation models; the need to include ethics in international negotiations; and the need for studies to included negotiation professionals, opposed to students. Methodology and Method The method used consists of a single-case study using interviews to gain insight from those responsible for negotiations and ethics at Saab, a Swedish International defence company. Theoretical Framework To explore the possibilities of an ethically based negotiation model, two existing models were examined. The first used is the Value-Based Negotiation Model (VBN) by Gan (2017) and establishes a negotiation framework. The second model by Erwin (2010) offers perspectives on the effectiveness of documents used to establish ethical foundations in organizations. Proposed Research Framework The research framework that is established is the Sanfran Ethical International Business Negotiations Model. The model incorporates the steps needed for successful integrative negotiations with aspects aimed at increasing ethical collaboration and to reduce the risk of unethical behaviour. Findings and further research. The research has fulfilled its two goals by adding to existing literature surrounding negotiations and by developing a conceptual framework to be used in international defence negotiations that uses ethical requirements as a foundation. Implications for theory and practice are discussed and future research directions are offered.

Esta dissertação visa compreender a participação do setor empresarial nas negociações internacionais do Brasil. Para isso, será analisado o posicionamento do setor referente às negociações do Mercosul, Organização Mundial do Comércio e Mercosul-União Européia, enfocando nas posições da Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI) emitidas em documentos e declarações à imprensa no período 2003-2010. No debate da relevância do empresariado como ator político, os resultados da pesquisa buscam identificar se ocorreram mudanças no papel do setor no período do governo Lula em termos de representação e participação nas negociações internacionais, com recorte no balanço da evolução do posicionamento e da influência da CNI nessas negociações. / This dissertation aims to understand the entrepreneurial sector participation in international negotiations of Brazil. For this, the dissertation will analyse the sector\'s position on the negotiations of Mercosur, the WTO and Mercosur-European Union, focusing on the positions of the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) issued in documents and statements to the press in the period 2003-2010. In discussing the importance of entrepreneurs as a political actor, the search results try to identify whether there were changes in the role of the sector in the period of Lulas government in terms of representation and participation in international negotiations, with clipping on the balance of the CNI\'s positioning and influence in those negotiations.

Syrian Civil War has been occupying the international agenda since the year 2011. Despite the fact that most of the attention is paid to the conflict itself, peace processes are part of the international competition on Syrian arena, as well. For this reason, the thesis attempts to examine two major peace tracks: Astana and Geneva processes. The former is established among Russia-Turkey-Iran trio in late 2016 and functions as a regional mediation ground while the latter is led by the top world organization, the UN, as a ground for international actors with substantial interest in the Near East. Astana's relatively better performance in reaching certain outcomes is analyzed with hypotheses derived from three core International Relations theories: Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism. In this regard, those assumptions analyze actors that are involved in the conflict within the framework of their relevant peace track. According to the conducted analyses, findings indicate that realist hypothesis is better at explaining Astana's "fruitfulness" than the other assumptions- especially field-level agreements but not the broader cooperation among the Astana trio. Hence, Geneva track with higher level of international participation carries greater importance for an ultimate resolution to the conflict.

The dissertation examines a case of industrial espionage by one of the parties involved in a forthcoming international negotiation. We want to know what consequences a burglary has for the actual negotiation. The dissertation consist of five hypothesis, of which the three first were empirically tested. The discussion of thesis four and five is supported basically by research literature, but have also found indirect support in the empirical study. A game theoretical model of four information sets is used. Thesis 1: Pay-offs do not change significantly from one information set to the other. confirmed Thesis 2: Behavior do not change significantly from one information set to the other. confirmed Thesis 3: The perception of fairness do not change significantly from one information set to the other. confirmed Thesis 4: International negotiations is socially so complex that it only makes sense to study the phenomena from an interdisciplinary angle. confirmed Thesis 5: A descriptive evolutionary approach can be an alternative to neoclassical economic theory in understanding the study of international negotiations. confirmed The study also confirms that economic theory is correct in excluding the ethical dimension from their models, as these factors have little influence on the end price. Fairness plays only a minor role in international negotiations. ** / <p>Forskarens hemsida: http://www.bth.se/iem/kss.nsf Disputerat vid Universität Leipzig, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, http://www.uni-leipzig.de/ Avhandlingen utgiven av BTH.</p>

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é entender como coalizões de países em desenvolvimento são bem-sucedidas nas negociações do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) e da Organização Mundial de Comércio (OMC). Normalmente, sustenta-se que coalizões temáticas são mais bem-sucedidas do que grupos abrangentes (Higgot e Cooper, 1990; Cooper, Higgot e Nossal, 1990); e que coalizões com maiores recursos de poder são mais bem-sucedidas do que grupos fracos (Narlikar, 2003). Como hipótese alternativa, sugerimos que quanto maior for o grau de abertura comercial da coalizão - ((exportações+importações)/PIB) - maior será a chance de elas serem bemsucedidas nas negociações do GATT/OMC. Utilizaremos uma abordagem multimétodos (qualitativa e quantitativa) para realizar nossa pesquisa. Analisaremos um número (N) médio (entre 28 a 39 casos) de coalizões internacionais para descobrir quais as principais causas dos sucessos e fracassos destes grupos de países. Codificaremos a variável dependente (sucesso versus fracasso) conforme as descrições de casos particulares conduzidos por pesquisadores independentes. A variável independente categórica (coalizões temáticas versus abrangentes) será mensurada segundo procedimento semelhante. Por fim, o PIB agregado das coalizões (nossa medida de poder) e a abertura comercial agregada e abertura comercial média das coalizões (nossas medidas de abertura comercial) foram coletadas na base de dados Penn World Table 6.2. Os trabalhos que conhecemos sobre o tema utilizam a abordagem qualitativa de maneira pura, especialmente estudos de casso. Assim, até onde sabemos, este trabalho realizará a primeira análise estatística sobre o tema. / The main goal of this study is to understand how developing country coalitions obtain benefits in the GATT/WTO negotiations. Usually it is argued that issue-based coalitions are more successful than broad-based groups (Higgot and Cooper, 1990; Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, 1990), and that powerful coalitions are more successful than weaker ones (Narlikar, 2003). Alternatively, we suggest that the greater the degree of trade openness - ((exports+imports)/GDP) - the greater the chance that they will succeed in the GATT/WTO negotiations. We use a mix-method approach (qualitative and quantitative) to conduct our research. We will analyze a medium-N (from 28 to 39) cases of international coalitions to find out the main causes of coalitions\' successes and failures. We will code our dependent variable (success versus failure) according to cases studies conducted by independent researchers. Our categorical independent variable (issue-based versus broad-based coalitions) will be measured adopting the same procedure. Finally, aggregate GDP - our measure of power -, aggregate trade openness and mean aggregate trade openness of the coalitions - our measures of trade openness - were collected in the Penn World Table 6.2. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first statistical analysis on the subject.

This thesis consists of an introductory chapter and four papers, which relate to environmental policy in the presence of transboundary environmental damage. Paper [I] concerns public policy in a multi-jurisdiction framework with transboundary environmental damage. Each jurisdiction is assumed large in the sense that its government is able to infuence the world-market producer price of the externality-generating good. This gives rise to additional incentives of relevance for national public policy in the non-cooperative Nash equilibrium. With the uncoordinated equilibrium as the reference case, the welfare effects from coordinated changes in public policy variables are analyzed. Paper [II] analyses welfare effects of coordinated changes in environmental and capital taxation in the presence of transboundary environmental externalities and wage bargaining externalities. In the wage bargaining between frms and labor unions, firms use the threat of moving abroad to moderate wage claims, which means that domestic policy infuences wage formation abroad. The specific framework implies welfare effects of policy coordination that correspond to each of the respective international interaction mentioned above. In paper [III], national governments face political pressure from environmental and industrial lobby groups, while pollution taxes are determined in an international negotiation. It is shown that a general increase in the environmental concern and the weight the governments attach to social welfare both tend to increase the pollution tax. However, allowing for asymmetries between the countries means that a general increase in the environmental concern has the potential to reduce the pollution tax. Paper [IV] studies national environmental policies in an economic federation characterized by decentralized leadership. The federal government sets emission targets for each member country, which are implemented by the national governments. Although all national governments have commitment power vis-à-vis the federal government, one of them also has commitment power vis-à-vis the other member countries. This creates incentives to act strategically toward the federal government, as well as toward other members.

The Diploma Thesis deals with cultural aspects of multilateral international negotiations at the United Nations. The aim of the work is to describe and compare the cultural dimension of sample of cultures at the UN: Czech, Italian and Swedish culture. Thesis is divided into four chapters. First chapter is theoretical and describes the most important basis for research on cultural dimensions. Second chapter briefly presents the entire UN organization and then focuses on its headquarters in Vienna. Emphasis is placed on the third and fourth chapter. Third chapter characterizes the national cultures from the perspective of cultural dimensions of Geert Hofstede and Fons Trompenaars. Fourth chapter is purely practical. It consists of conclusions of the in-depth interviews conducted with employees of the Permanent Missions to the United Nations. The content of interviews follows the structure of cultural dimensions of Hofstede and Trompenaars and places questions into the working environment of the Permanent Missions to the UN. These findings are at the end of the work compared with the approaches defined by the third chapter.