Negotiation competency is an important focus of all countries as negotiation is a core event in international relations and diplomacy. Malaysia is no exception. Existing literature indicates that there has never been any research to study the Malaysian practice in international negotiations. As far as diplomatic negotiation is concerned, there is also a dearth of literature on what is going on at the negotiation table due to its secretive nature. Most of the research conducted on negotiation has originated from Western concepts of negotiation, and there is a lack of research concerning non-Western and specifically Malaysian notions of negotiation. A number of studies have been carried out to identify negotiation styles of some countries in Asia, and research on Malaysian negotiation is merely a descriptive explanation of Malaysians’ business negotiation behaviour. Furthermore, there is a growing need of research that employs varieties of methods in studying negotiation as most of the overseas studies were quantitative in nature. Thus, researching into the Malaysian practice of international negotiation will help to close the gaps in the literature because: (1) it will address the lack of research on Malaysian negotiating styles from the viewpoint of the public sector, as opposed to the business sector; (2) it will extend the work on non-Western perspectives on diplomatic negotiation by injecting Malaysian notions of international negotiation, as seen by Malaysians; (3) it will enrich the current literature on negotiating styles of countries in Asia; (4) it will add to the small amount of international scholarship on diplomatic negotiation and (5) this research will employ a mixed-method approach, and this will complement the need to employ varieties of research methods in negotiation research. The main aim of this research is to explore and highlight the key features of Malaysian negotiating practice in international negotiations from the perspectives and experiences of Malaysian diplomats. This research adopted a mixed-methods approach. An interpretive approach with some elements of phenomenology, symbolic interactionism and systems theory was the main paradigm adopted for the qualitative study while a questionnaire survey was employed for the quantitative study. Key-informant interviews with 22 former diplomats were conducted and a survey of 39 respondents amongst in-service Malaysian diplomats was successfully carried out. The research contributes to understanding of Malaysian negotiating practice in international negotiations and generates important insights for diplomatic training providers in setting-up relevant training modules. It also helps negotiators from different nations to comprehend the negotiation practice of Malaysia and helps to eliminate stereotyping and biases. In addition, since international negotiation is a universal phenomenon, the findings of this study are not only applicable to Malaysia but to other nations as well. Important key and relevant points that could contribute to international negotiation knowledge were identified and discussed. Finally, based on the research, policy recommendations were proposed to enhance negotiation competency in any international negotiation, and future research was identified and suggested for the benefit of international negotiation knowledge and scholarship.

In this thesis I investigate the process of international negotiation to resolve a serious dispute between Australia and East Timor over offshore oil and gas, which arose after East Timor’s transition to independence in 1999. The central aim is to uncover and analyse the dynamics of the negotiations, and to explain how outcomes were determined. The question of negotiated outcomes is of special significance given the extent to which East Timor was able to move Australia beyond its preferred outcome. In this case, the seemingly weaker party was able to overcome a more powerful bargaining opponent. My aim in writing this thesis is to explain why that was possible and how it was achieved.

<p>In the international climate change negotiations it has been hard to find a sustainable agreement about how to address the anthropogenic impacts on the climate. This is because the issue is very complicated and comprises many social and economic aspects. Because of the struggling in the international negotiations is it necessary to analyze how the climate change issue is understood in different regions and countries of the world. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how actors within the climate policy sphere in China frame the climate change issue. In the near future, China will become the world’s largest emitter of carbon dioxide and with a population of 1.3 billion people; China is one of the key countries in the international climate negations. The thesis analyses how two key actor groups - decision makers and scientists connected to the Chinese climate change administration - frame the climate change issue in semi-structured interviews. The respondents frame the climate change issue as a large obstacle for a future Chinese development, both economically and socially. To address climate change in China the respondents think that technology innovations and transfer of technology from the developed countries will be very important. Therefore the respondents think it is vitally important to continue with the international climate negotiations in the future.</p>

In the international climate change negotiations it has been hard to find a sustainable agreement about how to address the anthropogenic impacts on the climate. This is because the issue is very complicated and comprises many social and economic aspects. Because of the struggling in the international negotiations is it necessary to analyze how the climate change issue is understood in different regions and countries of the world. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how actors within the climate policy sphere in China frame the climate change issue. In the near future, China will become the world’s largest emitter of carbon dioxide and with a population of 1.3 billion people; China is one of the key countries in the international climate negations. The thesis analyses how two key actor groups - decision makers and scientists connected to the Chinese climate change administration - frame the climate change issue in semi-structured interviews. The respondents frame the climate change issue as a large obstacle for a future Chinese development, both economically and socially. To address climate change in China the respondents think that technology innovations and transfer of technology from the developed countries will be very important. Therefore the respondents think it is vitally important to continue with the international climate negotiations in the future.

Made available in DSpace on 2009-11-18T19:00:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ACF29A.pdf: 384308 bytes, checksum: 044e420a6f940bffdf094cf660de722b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / China emerges in the world as a potential economic leader and it is poised as the one of the strongest commercial partners of Brazil. China is already the third largest importer of Brazilian products and services and the prediction is to even increase that participation in the Brazilian export volume in the near future. As a consequence, there is a significant increase in commercial alliances between Brazilians and Chinese, which shows the need for the Brazilians to better understand the cultural differences when negotiating with the Chinese. The purpose of this research is to bring, from a Chinese point of view, the cultural difference in the negotiation process between Brazilians and Chinese. A better understanding of those differences will allow the Brazilians to adopt a better negotiation strategy with the Chinese in order to bring a better result. The research was developed by conducting 5 interviews with Chinese executives highly experienced in negotiation with the Brazilians. The results of this research show commons points indicated by the interviewers that have a direct impact on the negotiation process between Chinese and Brazilians. / A China como uma nova grande potência econômica e um dos maiores parceiros comerciais do Brasil. Já é o terceiro maior importador dos produtos e serviços brasileiros e a tendência é aumentar ainda mais esse potencial. Para isso, alianças comerciais entre chineses e brasileiros têm sido cada vez mais desenvolvidas e, com isso, surge a necessidade de compreensão por parte do brasileiro acerca das diferenças culturais no processo de negociação. O objetivo deste trabalho é levantar, do ponto de vista do chinês, os fatores culturais no processo de negociação entre brasileiros e chineses. Um entendimento dessas diferenças permitirá ao brasiliero adotar uma estratégia de melhor negociação com os chineses para obtenção de melhores resultados. Para isso foram realizadas entrevistas com 5 executivos chineses com rica experiência em negociações com brasilieros. O resultado desta pesquisa levanta os pontos em comum indicados pelos entrevistados e que têm impacto direto no processo de negociação entre chineses e brasileiros.

abstract: In 2008, South Korea suffered a great loss of public trust in government. Since May 2, 2008, street protests against U.S. beef imports and the April 2008 beef agreement continued for more than 100 days. These public protests started with peaceful candlelight vigils but some of them turned violent in the end of May. According to a white paper on the protests published by the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, for 106 days from May 2 until Aug. 15, there were 2,398 separate rallies drawing 932,000 people. Among them, 1,476 protesters were indicted for participating in illegal and violent protests. 100 police officers suffered serious injuries and 401 light ones. 88 civilians were seriously injured. The South Korean National Assembly had to remain idle for more than 80 days due to numerous political debates and the approval rating of President Myung-Bak Lee plummeted from 40 percent range to near 20 percent during the protest period. This Dissertation started from a question of why people were so angry against their government. The whole process of the U.S.-South Korea Beef negotiation was reviewed, focusing on whether or not Korean government and its negotiators tried to make a domestic agreement with people. For the purpose, this dissertation developed an integrated framework by the combination of the two level-game theory with the advocacy coalition framework. The framework was also used to investigate the effect of external factors outside the Korean policy-making system of the beef negotiation. The framework reviewed win-set changes of both countries, especially focusing on the change of Korean win-set size. Then, the whole process of the beef negotiation in the dissertation framework was interpreted in the aspect of the New Public Service. This interpretation gave the dissertation the theoretical importance, showing the way in which the interpretation contributed to the decision-making theory. Findings in the dissertation revealed that there was a deep disagreement between what Korean government wanted and what Korean people actually desired. Finally, this dissertation considered how public administrators could increase communication with their people in the Korean policy-making system. Janet and Robert Denhardt's shared values approach to the public interest and the decision-making process would be one answer. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Public Administration 2012

From the beginning of 2000 the European accession process was placed at the centre of peace-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prospect of EU membership provided a common vision that could encourage different segments of society and the political elites to bridge ethnic divergences and engage in authentic post-war reconciliation. As a pre-accession criterion the European Union required Bosnia and Herzegovina to unify its fragmented policing system at the level of the state. However, this requirement proved to be a step too far, resulting in a protracted and ultimately unsuccessful process of political negotiations that lasted from 2004 to 2007. This thesis analyses the police reform negotiating process. In the aftermath of interethnic violence, ethnic communities tend to focus on protecting their self-continuity and, as a result, aspects of identity and security become closely linked. It was for this reason that the European Union’s insistence on placing law enforcement authority at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina came to be viewed as an identity threat, which subsequently affected interethnic group dynamics in a negative way. From this premise, the study goes on to assess the impact of the negotiating process on the political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on public notions of societal security. The study illustrates the background and rationale of the European Union’s strategy and analyses the dynamics between the international community and the domestic political elite. The conclusions of the thesis are drawn from interviews with the principal domestic politicians and the main international policymakers of the international community, and also from a broad range of opinion surveys as well as the original documentation of the negotiating process.

With its national strength, the United States is, more often than not, a major State initiating the making of important international multilateral treaties and shaping the final outcome by wielding its influence in the negotiation processes. Nevertheless, three major international multilateral treaties concluded in three different domains all appear the same situation in which the U.S. participated actively in the negotiations but ended up rejecting to sign or ratify due to their inconformities with American ¡§national interests.¡¨ The purpose of this thesis is to examine the American proposals and interventions made in the negotiating processes of three important international multilateral treaties, i.e., the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Kyoto Protocol and Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, so as to understand American negotiation stances as well as the issues to which the U.S. attached importance to and the derive the substantive contents of the ¡§national interests¡¨ that the U.S. held dear. Furthermore, this thesis takes one step further to analyze who were the actors that shaped and defined the ¡§national interests¡¨ which the U.S. valued and held tight.

Concept of Two-level games is one of the most sophisticated approach for analysis of the process of international bargaining. Moreover, many research papers focused either on prediction of the outcome of international negotiations or on explanation of the outcomes of former negotiations are based on premises of this concept. However, its application on real example of the negotiation, specifically, on the SALT I talks between the Soviet Union and the United States shows that the Two-level games is not universally valid since many of its predictions have not been verified. There are certain limitations within crucial independent variables (defined by the concept) connected with domestic institutions and domestic preferences and their influence on the size of win-set which has direct impact on the results of the bargaining process. These limitations must be considered in the research. The analysis of the SALT I explores that heterogeneous preferences as well as relatively strong domestic institutions do not have to result in smaller win-set; that presence of no-agreement costs can reduce an influence of other variables, and; that presence of those non-expected (from the view of the original concept) consequences caused by the adjustment of the independent variables occurs within the negotiations...

This cumulative dissertation covers three studies on the research subject of Cross-Cultural-Negotiations. The first study provides a systematic literature review of the research field. It categorizes and synthesizes the literature based on the cultural dimensions used in negotiation research and sorts it along the four negotiation stages of Adair and Brett (2005). It shows controversial findings, research gaps, highlights potential impasses in methodological approaches, and provides recommendations for future research. The second study investigates the potential cultural influence on First Offer anchors in negotiations. No support for a direct cultural influence could be found. Instead, the participants' age and concerns that the opposite may take advantage of a too low First Offer has been found to influence First Offers. Additionally, the latter finding shows significant differences across cultures. The third study investigates whether the implicitly understood universality of ‘Getting to yes’ (Fisher, Ury, and Patton 2012) holds in a Cross-Cultural-Context. The study finds that the implicitly understood universality of principled negotiations is not supported by findings in Cross-Cultural-Negotiation research. Instead, a dichotomic applicability of the authors’ advice of ‘Getting to yes’ along the bipolar cultural construct of Hofstede’s Individuality dimension was found. This dissertation underlines that culture has a high impact on negotiations. It provides research, practice, and teaching additional knowledge to address and deal with the phenomenon of culture in Cross-Border-Negotiations.