Since the start of the Iraq conflict, world-renowned security expert Paul Rogers has produced a series of monthly reports scrutinising developments in the occupation and the Iraqi response to it, drawing on the unique range of contacts and material available to the prestigious Oxford Research Group. They have become the standard source material for journalists, policymakers and campaigners writing about Iraq. Now, for the first time, Paul Rogers has brought these reports together to provide a detailed and authoritative analysis of the last year in Iraq. A disturbing picture emerges, in which coalition forces repeatedly misread the direction of the insurgency, in which radical groups gain strength through the ongoing (and underreported) loss of civilian lives at the hands of the occupying forces, and in which the US's determination to secure the Persian Gulf's oil and gas resources lock it further and further into a destructive, intractable, and ultimately counter-productive war in the Middle East. Concisely-written and highly accessible, "Iraq and the War on Terror" is an indispensable book for anyone interested the Middle East, US foreign policy and international security. Its conclusions about the extent of the damage caused by the war, and how long the occupation looks set to last, will send shockwaves through policymakers in the US and the UK alike.

This dissertation analyzes the Iraqi reconstruction period, including two pivotal moments in 2005, the ratification of the new constitution and the democratic elections, to examine issues of identity and sectarianism in Iraq. The following analysis will assist in the demystification of Iraqi sectarianism, understood to be the manifestation of an identity struggle between Sunni and Shi’a groups within Iraq, and connect this phenomenon to issues of hegemony and democracy. The discussion of Sunni and Shi‘i relations in Iraq as it relates to the Iraqi reconstruction period involves numerous areas of discipline including politics surrounding the invasion and occupation, the history of Iraq, democratic principles, secularization, democracy, and its role Islam, and of course sectarianism to name a few. These topics are supported by King’s theory of postcolonialism, aspects of Geertz’s understanding of nationalism, and Weber’s connection of power and status. The impact of the 2003 invasion of Iraq will be understood in reference to Mark Juergensmeyer’s theory of cosmic war which he offers arises when symbols become deadly and the struggle for identity becomes so intense the thought of losing this conflict is unimaginable, therefore manifesting in a conflict that cannot be solved by Western political means. Furthermore, this dissertation addresses the role secularism plays in drafting of the 2005 Iraqi constitution and the following elections. Religious violence is nothing new, and in fact it often has little to do with religion itself; rather it’s a question of political and identity representation and identifies religious violence as a tool to gain power; it is through this lens that this dissertation positions sectarianism. This dissertation provides the groundwork for future projects which highlights the truth of American bias and identity issues while using sectarianism in Iraq as a case study for debunking the myth that religious conflict is prevalent in Islam due to the backward nature of the religion and suggests how dialogue might be useful in this instance. / Religion

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It is difficult to know exactly why leaders and their advisors make decisions. Despite this, scholars have long attempted to gain insight into this largely unintelligible process, especially when the decision is acknowledged by many to be a poor one. In 1972, Irving Janis published a book that intended to explain why groups of seemingly rational and intelligent men could make disastrous decisions, a theory he named groupthink. When groupthink was first introduced, the Vietnam War was provided as an example of the theory in action. Though at the time Vietnam seemed like a plausible case of groupthink, declassified documents now available tell a decidedly different story. It is now evident that Lyndon Johnson agonized over the decision to send combat troops to Vietnam and that he did in fact seek the advice of people with an array of opinions on the best course of action in Vietnam. The application of groupthink to Vietnam becomes even weaker when compared to the cogent role groupthink played in the Iraq War. The Iraq War not only displayed symptoms of groupthink at an executive level, but precipitated it down into the lowest levels of government and the American people. Consequently, the Iraq War has thus far manifested itself as the most potent case of groupthink documented in modern times. While many of the symptoms found in Vietnam could be construed as coincidental, much of the groupthink symptoms found in the case of Iraq appear to be the result of careful calculation by the Bush administration.

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The 2003 invasion of Iraq was one of the great blunders in American foreign policy. This thesis examines Neoconservative thought and policy, and its effect on the nation and state building effort in Iraq. It provides an analysis of the Iraqi Constitution and uses the faults of the Constitution to paint a picture of the larger instabilities and difficulties in Iraq today.

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Under the Umayyads, Muslims came into direct contact with Turks in their homeland which lay east of Khurasän and Transoxania. However, after the Turks had submitted to the Islamic state, the Caliphs, in particular the Abbasid Caliphs, began to employ them in various roles such as guards and soldiers. They served alongside the veteran Arabs and Iranians, because the Turks, unlike these others, did not so pride themselves on their nationality that they behaved exclusively. The Turks were valued for their bravery and fidelity. The Caliph Mu'tasim, in fact, increased their number, and his reliance on them was a result of his needs and of certain other circumstances. After the death of Mu'tasim, the Turks rose to positions of considerable importance in all the affairs of state. They had an even greater influence on the running of the Caliphate when they began to interfere in the appointing of the Caliph, which they did for the first time in the case of Mutawakkil. Nevertheless, none of the Abbasid Caliphs from Mutawakkil onwards seemed to acquiesce readily in Turkish control, and indeed they resisted the Turks vigorously. They tried to eliminate them and their power entirely, and to restore the dignity of the Abbasid Caliphate. As the first step in escaping the interference of the Turks, the Caliphs decided to move the state capital. But when the Turks realized the Caliphs' intentions, they began to plot against them and to assassinate them. In the course of this struggle between the Turks and the Caliphate the civil war of 251 H occurred. As a result, government authority weakened, particularly in those outlying regions furthest from its power and influence. Therefore, popular movements and attempts to gain independence emerged in many provinces, such as Hijaz, Armenia, Syria and Iran. In fact, most of these movements were not aimed against the Caliphate itself, but against the Turks who dominated affairs of state. At the same time the power of the (Wazir) minister of state began to diminish, and his remaining in office was closely linked with the desires of the Turks. In addition, the Turks attempted to take over the Vizirate itself. Therefore, some of them, such as Waif and Autamish, occupied this office although they were quite unqualified for it. In consequence, the Vizirate deteriorated and became powerless, just as the Caliphate had done.