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In the following pages an attempt is made to demonstrate how the system of slavery fits into the concept of man in the Qur'an. This thesis is an humble attempt to clarify the Qur'anic position on slavery which has often been misinterpreted or misunderstood by modern Muslim writers. Modern men have an aversion towards some of the social practices of ancient times, one of which is slavery. [...]

The pondok-pesantren is an Islamic educational institution which plays an important role in Indonesia. Being the earliest such institution, it has an effect on the educational field in the Archipelago. It is considered that pondok-pesantren is the leading Islamic educational institution, and it is still in operation. It can be characterized into two types. The first, is the purely traditional, which does not adapt any modern educational theories. The second is the modern, which teaches arithmetic, the reading of Latin script, and foreign languages. Both institutions emphasize religious education. / Le pondok-pesantren est une institution d'enseignement qui jou un rôle important en Indonésie. Comme l'institution la plus ancienne de tel genre, le pondok-pesantren a eu son effet sur le champ de l'enseignement dans l'Archipelago. Le pondok-pesantren est consideré comme l'institution dominante de l'enseignement îslamique et est encore en operation. Il peut être caracterisé en deux types. Le premier est le purement traditionel qui ne s'adopte à aucune théorie moderne de l'enseignement. Le second est le moderne qui enseigne l'arithmétique, la lecture en écriture Latine et les langues étrangères. Les deux institutions mettent l'accent sur l'enseignement religieux.

In the late 1990's, various British news agencies reported cases of British-born South Asian Muslim women who forced into marriages. In 2000, the UK govemment produced a study that determined there were 400 British cases of "forced marriages" reported to UK police in a two year period. In response to these findings, the UK government launched an educational prevention campaign, in which they defined forced marriage as "a marriage conducted without the valid consent of both parties". l argue that, while the aim of the UK government's campaign is to promote the right of choice in marriage, they do not critically examine legal, religious, political and economic issues that may limit the ability of some British South Asian Muslim women to exercise that right. This study examines these issues to develop a better understanding of the link between culture, religion and forced marriage in certain British South Asian Muslim families. / Vers la fin des années 90, des diverses agences de nouvelles britanniques ont averti des cas des femmes musulmanes asiatiques du sud britannique qui ont été forcées dans des mariages. En 2000, le gouvernement brittanique a fourni un rapport qui vérifie 400 cas "des mariages obligatoires" rapportés à la police brittanique pendant un période de deux ans. En réponse à ces résultats, le gouvernement brittanique a lancé une campagne éducative d'empêchement, dans laquelle ils ont défini le mariage obligatoire comme "mariage conduit sans consentement valide des deux parties". Je dispute du fait que, alors que le but de la campagne du gouvernement brittanique est de favoriser la droite du choix dans le mariage, ils n'examinent pas les problèmes légales, religieuses, politiques et économiques qui peuvent limiter la capacité de quelques femmes musulmanes asiatiques du sud britanniques d'exercer cela bien. Cette étude examine ces problèmes pour améliorer le lien entre la culture, la religion et le mariage obligatoire dans certaines familles musulmanes asiatiques du sud britanniques.

This thesis examines the origins, nature, and characteristics of the Subud mystical order which is an expression of Javanese Red (abangan) Muslim mysticism. It presents material on the life of the founder, on the religious background of the order, and presents the doctrines, practices, and forms of organization peculiar to the order.

In his collection of lectures, the Majâlis al-Mu'ayyadiyyah, al-Mu'ayyad fi al-Dïn al-Shïrâzï's (d.ca. 1078 C.E.) typologies of the imam set forth a distinctive concept of the Ismâ'ïlï imam, as it subsequently results from al-Mu'ayyad's engagement in the works of his predecessors and contemporaries in the Ismâ'ïlï missionary organization (da'wah). Al-Mu'ayyad's refutations against the "Exaggerators" (Ghulat) and the "Shortcomers" (Muqassirün) call attention to the importance of walayah as a doctrine of religious authority and guidance in the light of debates concerning the divinity or humanity of the figure of the imam in the mediaeval Shï'ï tradition. [...] / Dans son recueil de conférences connu sous le titre de Majalis al-Mu'ayyadiyyah,al-Mu'ayyad fi al-Din al-Shïrâzï (m. ca. 1078 de l'ère commune) établit une typologie de l'imam qui révèle une approche originale à l'imamologie ismaélienne. Cette vision particulière du rôle de l'imam s'explique par la volonté qu'avait al-Mu'ayyad de perfectionner la doctrine de ses prédécesseurs et de ses contemporains actifs au sein de la convocation ismaélienne (da'wah). La critique que fait al-Mu'ayyad des "Maximalistes" (Ghulat) et des "Minimalistes" (Muqassirun) souligne l'importance de la walayah comme doctrine d'autorité et de bonne direction religieuse dans les débats concernant la divinité ou l'humanité de l'imam dans la tradition médiévale chiite. [...]

Since the time of the Arab conquest of North Africa, Tunisia has been involved in the broad context of the Arab world. After its achievement of independence in 1956, however, it played a minimal role in the affairs of the Arab League until 1961, when the League gave Tunisia its full support during the confrontation with France over Banzart (Bizerta). Tunisia reverted to a passive role in 1965 when President Bürqiba's proposed solution to the Palestine problem was emphatically rejected by most other Arab leaders. In the months following the six days' war of June 1967, however, Tunisia resumed activity in the League. The main factors affecting Tunisia's behavior have been a mistrust of Egyptian leadership and intentions, a strong regional loyalty to the idea of a united Maghrib and an aloof pragmatism on the Palestine question, which contrasts with the emotional commitment of Mashriqi Arabs.

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