Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet..

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, August, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-334)

Hamburg, University, Diss., 2002.

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Japan's foreign relations with the People's Republic of China have been one of the most important and controversial issues since Japan regained her independence in 1952. Geographical proximaty, historical ties that Japan has with China, and China being a major power with nuclear capability made it vitally important for Japan to keep a pipeline open with her, and the policy of separating economics from politics permitted trade relations with her. In this thesis I am chiefly interested in finding out why it was of utmost importance for Japan to adopt this principle of foreign policy toward Communist China. In the first section, the international situation and historical circumstances which eventually led Japan to adopt this policy will be explored. The second section will deal with the international significance and implications of this policy. In section three I should like to analyze how the actual negotiations on "trade" are used by both the Chinese leaders and the pro-Peking leaders in Japan as a means of changing Japan's policy toward China. An important aspect of this policy treated in the last section is the internal political impact in Japan. Finally, I should like to see how Korea will be affected by Japan's new relations with the People's Republic of China. The chief cause of adopting and pursuing the policy of separating economics from politics stemmed from international circumstances in which Japan found herself as a defeated nation after the Second World War. It was the nature of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the timing of the signing, the attitude of Communist China and Japan's particular relation to the United States that made Japan recognize Nationalist China. Since neither Nationalist China nor Communist China would permit diplomatic ties with any country that recognized the other, it was not possible for Japan to recognize both regimes. Therefore, Japan maintained only economic relations with Communist China without any direct political contact. Sino-Japanese trade relations were based on the reality of both Communist China and Japan. From Japan's point of view it was a realistic approach to maximize economic opportunities and minimize political involvement until the right opportunity came for normalization. By adopting and practising the policy of separating economics from politics, Japan looked for larger commercial opportunities in the future and it also served as a pipeline between the two big countries in Asia. From China's viewpoint, it was an "accumulative" approach for the eventual normalization of relations with Japan. Trade was used as an instrument of political pressure and it reflected China's political aims. The volume of trade fluctuated and the techniques China used varied according to the political objectives. China appealed to a "broad political spectrum" in Japan through private agreements and exchange of unofficial private delegations. China threatened Japan with suspension of trade, and manipulated her with "friendly trade" and "memorandum trade". Since the agreement for the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations was signed on September 29, 1972 the controversial issue of "separating economics from politics" has become a story of the past. The admission of Communist China to the United Nations in 1971, Nixon's visit to China in February, 1972, and the eventual change of the policy of the United Nations gave Japan an opportunity to change her policy and recognize the People's Republic of China. With the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations, Korea must seek her role by pursuing "independent and positive" action. The talks between North and South for the eventual unification of Korea and the new constitution of South Korea which was adopted in 1972 reflect Korea's attempts to adjust herself to this role. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study examines post-war social change in a Japanese farming community. Social change is defined as changes in the three sets of rules for social behaviour in a social system. Three sets of factors affected social change in rural Japan: (1) changes in the policies and programmes of the central government, (2) changes in the national economy, and (3) the adoption by farmers of new farm techniques. The central government has aimed at the industrialization of Japanese agriculture. Through its policies and programmes the government removed or modified obstacles to economic growth and provided conditions favourable to the growth of the farm economy. The Japanese economy has grown at a rapid rate. National economic growth together with governmental policies and the farmers' incentive to increase farm output has resulted in significant changes in rural Japan. For example, these factors have increased farmers' access to economic resources, absorbed rural young people into industrial centres, motivated farmers to mechanize farm practices thereby raising production costs, and made necessary an increase in household income. Farmers have adopted new farm techniques. Despite the exodus of youth from the rural areas, as farmers mechanize their practices they developed a surplus of labour. Farmers have diversified production activities by investing the surplus labour into non-farm operations, or into farm operations when competent change-agents existed. Their adoption of new farm techniques modified the old sets of rules for social behaviour, and social change took place in rural Japan. If the present trends continue, Japanese farming communities will look very different in the future. First, present suburban communities will disappear as "farming" communities. Second, the majority of present farming households will leave farming, and only a small number of larger farmers will remain in those communities in which the residents make no deliberate efforts to differentiate their farm operations. Third, a large number of farming households will remain farming in those communities in which the residents will differentiate farm operations; these communities will be small in number, but the community I studied will be one of them. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis is concerned with the analysis of grave goods, from Yayoi period cemetery sites in northern Kyushu, to test for the presence of status rivalry and competition between leaders of different . communities. The study consists of a test of two major hypotheses that were derived from a model that links economic and political success of chiefs with wealth display and the mortuary ritual. Hypothesis 1 stated that status rivalry was present in the development of social ranking within communities in northern Kyushu. The key pattern in this case is that change in political authority is indicated by change in patterns of wealth distribution and display. Since there was a trend toward a lack of change in the number of separate wealth rank levels among burials, meaning a lack of change in patterns of wealth distribution, the analysis results disproved Hypothesis 1. Hypothesis 2 stated that status rivalry and competition ensured short-term political success and fluctuations in patterns of wealth distribution between sites in a regional exchange hierarchy. As a result, major structural changes occurred in the organization of the existing wealth exchange network. Since the analysis revealed that regions with the most developed hierarchy experienced the greatest upheaval and change in organizational structure, Hypothesis 2 was not disproven. Overall, the results show that structural change in wealth exchange systems occurred on a regional scale more than change in internal rank ordering and wealth control within sites. If wealth possession was an indicator of power, political control in Yayoi period northern Kyushu was of a very precarious nature. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This thesis examines the evolution of postwar industrial relations in postwar Japan from 1945 to 1973. It analyzes the impact of postwar industrial relations institutions on the origins and development of “lean production” or, as it is otherwise known, the Toyota production system. It uses three case studies, Mitsui Coal’s Miike mine in Kyushu, Suzuki Motors in Hamamatsu, and Moriguchi City Hall as an empirical basis for analysis and constructs a schema of industrial relations institutions that challenges the conventional “three pillars” interpretation (lifetime employment, seniority-based wages, and enterprise unions). From a historical perspective there were three distinct stages in the evolution of industrial relations. The first, from 1945-1947 was a labour-dominated period during which unions began to develop a distinct factory regime in which they were equal partners with management and could veto layoffs. Employers rejected this regime, however, and led an offensive against the independent union movement. This offensive was relatively successful in weakening labour and overturning the new institutions, but it engendered further antagonism. Thus the 1950s were characterized by instability in labour relations and new institutions had to evolve out of the workplace. A stable Fordist regime consolidated in the 1960-1973 period. From a comparative perspective and in the context of the development of lean production, the author stresses four institutions: tacit and limited job tenure; a performance-based wage system controlled by management; unions with an enterprise (i.e. market) orientation; and joint consultation. These institutions gave Japanese industrial relations their distinctiveness and also help to explain why lean production developed in Japan. Under the traditional Fordist model, work was broken down into short, repetitive cycles and organized along an assembly line. Employers exerted control by keeping conceptual activities as their mandate and workers were to simply follow instructions. This study found that work itself did not change substantively under lean production but workers participated more in conceptual activities. One of the key reasons for this was that employers in Japan were able to exercise control not only through the division of labour but through the wage system and enterprise unions as well. These mechanisms put discrete limits on the scope of worker innovations. They also limited the benefits workers could expect from the system. Lean production represented a new stage in production, identified as lean, intensified Fordism. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This paper is an attempt to look at the possibilities behind the federal government of Canada's proposal to create a new agency in the area of industrial export trade. According to the premises set down by the Government in its April 1980, Throne Speech, the initiative is primarily aimed at supporting small and medium-sized businesses in their efforts to penetrate foreign markets. It is natural for a government concerned with increasing competition abroad and rising unemployment in the industrial sector at home to start worrying about where industrial employment and overseas industrial markets are going to come from in the future. The wording of the Throne Speech and the policy studies undertaken prior to April 1980, regarding a potential national trading company seem to indicate that the Government had had the Japanese example of the trading house structure very much in mind, when closer study of such an enterprise was proposed, given Japan's thriving industrial sector and its successful export achievements. In the aftermath of the Throne Speech a Special Committee of the House of Commons was created in June of 1980 to further study the question of a future "National Trading Corporation." The Committee came down with its fourth and final report, Canada's Trading Challenge, in June of 1981, in which its basic recommendation after a year of deliberations was that "the federal government sponsor the development of a major Canadian trading corporation." This final conclusion by the Committee stands in direct contrast to evidence presented by witnesses before the Committee, and it seems to be an opinion reached by the Committee majority based on material and opinions obtained in addition to the briefs and the evidence gathered during the Committee's public hearings. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate