Thesis (Ph.D. (History)) - Rhodes University, 2007.

Diss.

Free and fair elections, accompanied by smooth transitions of democratically elected leaders, constitute one of the key pillars of democracy. The dawn of democratisation and advent of multi-party politics after the end of the Cold War in 1991, seemingly held great promise for Africa. However, in recent years, many elections in Africa have consistently become a source of violence. Electoral violence is threatening to become an intractable source of conflict on the African continent, making it hard for emerging democracies to consolidate their status as free democratic societies. Many remain largely autocratic or semi-democratic. African leaders are all too often not ready to relinquish political power, while political elites are ‘power hungry’ and use violence to skew the outcomes of elections in their favour. Hence, electoral violence is employed in order to manipulate civilian election choices and outcomes. Election violence is often deliberately used to target civilians, and in countries like Kenya involves inter-ethnic clashes. These “new wars” are fought unconventionally using ‘crude weapons’, (Kaldor 2013). Kaldor describes how these ‘new wars’ are fought as intra-state (within the state) wars in developing countries. Often, they are waged via state or county networks based on identity or ethnicity. The consequences of electoral violence include the destruction of property, reversed development, injuries, rape, death, internally displaced persons and refugees. Electoral violence persists despite attempts to contain it and measures to effectively manage these processes often prove to be inadequate. The study utilises an exploratory case study of Kenya during 2007-2008 Post-Election violence. The causes, the immediate steps that were initiated to mitigate violence and the reforms undertaken to generate peace structures and prevent future occurrences of post-election violence were explored. Forty-five participants representing involved citizens, negotiators and mediators were interviewed. The research was triangulated via the interview process, together with the use of primary document analysis and an extensive review of the literature. The data was analysed via the use of grounded theory. The research findings reveal that the causes of electoral violence are multi-faceted and multi-layered, with deep underlying issues. The causes include weak institutions, corruption, a non-representational electoral system, ethnicity and ethnic militia. Further causes include statelessness as experienced by certain groups, abuse of state resources and human rights violations. The role of political elites who withhold crucial information, thus denying the public the opportunity to make informed choices during elections was also found to contribute to electoral violence. Other information-related causes include biased media and sensational reporting. Findings also show that socio-economic issues such as poverty, unemployment, scarce resources and unmet basic human needs cannot be underestimated. Lastly, the causes of electoral violence included diverse interests of internal and external actors at play during elections. The findings revealed that although the Kenyan mediation process included the signing of a peace agreement, the root causes of electoral violence such as corruption, weak institutions, abuse of state resources and the unjust electoral system were not adequately addressed. A model for mediation for electoral violence which was explored and developed sought to build on the strengths of the Kenyan mediation process and address its inherent weaknesses, thus making this a significant contribution flowing from the study. The election model for mediation proposes certain key phases which include a pre-mediation process that will ensure a cessation of all hostilities; the mapping of the root causes of electoral violence and electoral reforms that provide resolutions that are acceptable to all the parties. Training of personnel at all levels of government to implement these reforms is also proposed. These measures can ensure the integrity and independence of electoral institutions from political manipulation. Training constitutes a crucial stage in the process of consolidating the emerging democracies. The model for mediation developed is therefore not only meant to mitigate electoral violence but is also intended to serve as a preventive measure. Many African states currently experience structural weaknesses similar to those that existed in Kenya before the 2007-2008 elections (and still persist). These fault lines include corruption, weak institutions, human rights violations, and lack of information. The proposed model for mediation which aims to counter these problems can thus be applied and adapted for implementation in Africa and globally. Several recommendations with implications for policy development are proposed to curb electoral violence. They include constitutional reforms, training of government and electoral officials and the introduction of a properly representational election system. This study, which focuses specifically on post-election violence, recommends further research investigating the pre-election phase, and ‘voting day’ causes of electoral violence for a more comprehensive approach to electoral violence research.

No description available.

In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. Unlike their urban counterparts, rural-based NGOs have tended to be more developmental and play a politics of collaboration with the state. Many of the latter NGOs, although playing a significant role in rural development, have been co-opted into patron-client networks. Factors that influence NGOs= posture towards the state include the nature of their leadership, the extent of their nternational connections, and the level of resources at their disposal. The study=s principal conclusion, is that, in as much as NGOs and overall civil society have provided a basis for development and opposition to the state, there is an urgent and growing need for them to shift from a position of dependency, whether domestic or international, to relative autonomy. Only then, will their contributions be sustainable in society.

In Kenya, the prevalence of diabetes is estimated at 3-10 percent of the population. These figures could be higher because most type 2 diabetics are diagnosed many years after onset. Out of this number, 15 percent are people below 30 years of age who need prompt education to avoid complications that are associated with diabetes (DMI centre, 2004). Due to inadequate or lack of proper information, most patients especially those with type 2 diabetes are diagnosed through complications. Untreated or poorly managed diabetes is now the leading cause of eye disease and kidney failure in the world. Diabetes is the largest cause of kidney failure in the developed world, and is the fourth leading cause of global death by disease in the world (IDF, 2007). At the Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi, Kenya, it is the leading cause of all non-accident related amputations. It is with such statistics in mind and the grim reality of poor and inadequate health services that this research is based. The wide use of selected medicinal plants for the treatment and management of diabetes warrants the further study of these plants for potential use and commercialization. The data obtained can also be invaluable for use and reference when using these plants for medicinal purposes. The medicinal plant studied in the research is widely used in Kenya by many communities and was chosen based on ethno-pharmacological references using traditional medicinal practitioners as well as patient’s recommendations. Different in vitro and in vivo assays were studied to try and elucidate the mechanisms of action as well as the organs targeted during treatment using this plant.

This research tested the findings of a study by James Muola, Mary Ndung’u, and Frederick Ngesa (2009) on juvenile delinquents in Nakuru in Kenya, and tests their hypotheses against other available data in Africa. Their study recommended strengthening ties with the NGO sector together with counselling on parenting in rehabilitation efforts. As a result, this research study tested their data and hypotheses by conducting a meta-analysis study using similar research in Sub-Saharan Africa. The goal was to put a broader perspective into efficient counselling and project management with juvenile delinquents, caregivers, and their opportunity structure.

This study set out to establish the role of conflict Management in Maintenance of Discipline in Kenya’s Public Secondary Schools. The study formulated 6 objectives as follows: examine the nature of Conflict experienced in Public Secondary Schools in Kenya; establish how teachers and students perceive conflict in secondary schools; determine how teachers and students experience conflict in Secondary Schools; investigate the effectiveness of conflict Management Programmes used in Secondary Schools; discover suitable conflict management programmes to address present and future conflict in secondary schools; generate findings based on a theoretical approach for understanding and managing conflict in secondary schools with particular reference to schools in Kenya. The research was conducted in the form of a descriptive survey design with a mixed methods approach which combined qualitative research design and quantitative research technique. A sample of 649 Students, 16 secondary school head teachers, and 16 secondary school guidance and counseling officers from 4 provinces in Kenya was used to obtain data for the study. Random and purposive sampling techniques were used. Data was collected using questionnaires and structured interviews. Descriptive statistics such as mean, percentages, standard deviation, and frequencies was used to discuss the research findings. The study also used inferential statistics, particularly chi-square to test the significant statistical differences on the nature of conflict in schools, how students and teachers experience and perceive conflict in different categories of schools. From the findings, students witness conflict in form of theft, 51.7%, bullying, 29 percent, rumours and fights. Results from males and females indicate that drugs are abused in secondary schools (males (26.8%) and females (13.6 percent). All the respondents revealed that students take drugs to please their peers, and to release stress, and for adventure. On the effectiveness of conflict management programmes, a majority of students accept punishment when they break the school rules (80.0%) as they feel that punishments improve their behaviour. Most of the teachers had not had proper training in conflict management and some of them do not understand the role of peer mediation as they lack such programmes in their schools. The study concluded that failure to train teachers in conflict management skills, and to involve students in decision making causes conflict in schools. The study recommended that life skills, and peace keeping lessons should be taught in schools. In addition, head teachers and teachers should go for a refresher course in conflict management. Also, the study recommends that a comparative study should be done in a wider scope in secondary schools that experience conflict and those that do not, so as to get an insight of the suitable strategies needed to manage conflict in schools.

This study examines the interface between Kenyan politics and ethnicity. More specifically it examines why ethnicity is at the core of Kenyan politics. Although this study discusses how colonialism influenced the ethnicisation of African politics, it focuses more on the era of post-colonial politics. The objective of the study is to investigate how post-colonial Kenyan leaders have shaped the content of Kenyan politics. This study explores ethnic conflicts in Kenya, more especially the 2008 conflict. In order to provide a clear framework for the analysis of Kenyan society, Zambian politics and its social dynamics were also examined in this study. In terms of political development and other variables, one could describe Zambia as Kenya’s peer. It is, therefore, an ideal country against which to evaluate Kenya. In terms research methodology, this study has taken a descriptive and an explanatory approach. Thematic and content analysis has also been employed as data analysis methods. This study has established that the manner in which Kenyan politics are organised is centred on ethnicity. The study found that Kenya’s unique political and social components have predisposed Kenya to ethnic conflicts. For example, a political future within Kenyan political parties and in public office is heavily influenced by one’s ethnicity. Ethnicity also plays a role in the nature of political coalitions. As a solution to the Kenyan problem, this author has recommended that Kenya’s politics (and political campaigns) be based on issues related to the development of Kenyan society, rather than ethnicity. Those in public office should also elevate national identity above ethnic identity.

This research was undertaken to study the effect of education on small farm revenues and profits in Kenya. Schooling (defined as the number of school standards completed by the farm operator) was used as the most important source of education. It was hypothesized that schooling has a positive effect on farm revenues and profits. The effect of other sources of information viz; extension contact, demonstration attendance and baraza attendance on farm revenues and profits were also investigated. The research was done using regression analysis where these variables and other farm activity relevant variables were fitted in regression equations. The choice of these variables were based on economic theory, Kenya small farm characteristics and the objective of the study. Several factors would qualify as supporting evidence for the argument that educated farmers are more productive. We expect educated farmers to be more informed in terms of use of new production technologies. Education as a source of human capital also enhances the productive abilities of human beings and also enables those who have invested in education to use their resources more efficiently as well as adjusting to new "ways of producing more efficiently". In the current study we find that schooling of the farm operator is positively related to level of expenditure on farm purchased variable inputs. This indicates that education enhances adoption of new technologies and innovativeness. Further it was shown that farmers with more education earned more value added per acre from their farm business compared to their less educated counterparts. On the overall farm activity, farmers with eight or more standards of schooling earned upto 80.2% in value added per acre compared to those who had no schooling. The regression estimates were done on a stepwise procedure where farm specific enterprises were estimated separately and then aggregated and estimated as one farm sector. Thus a crop equation, a livestock equation and a total farm output equation were estimated. This model was then developed into a variable profit function. A simple linear function procedure was used in the regression analysis. In all the estimated value added equations the schooling coefficient was positive and significant at 5% level two tail t-test. As we move from farm specific activities to a farm aggregate output model and lastly to value added model the schooling coefficient increased in size confirming the positive role of education in allocative effect. These results show that schooling plays an important role in allocation of other purchased inputs and also choice of crop mix and input selection. The estimated marginal return to schooling of farm operator in the profit function was Kshs.281. In an earlier function where schooling of the farm operator was fitted into a total farm income equation the estimated marginal return to schooling was Kshs.778.89. When schooling of the farm operator is allowed to interact with extension service the estimated interaction variable coefficient is negative showing the two act as substitute sources of knowledge, and the schooling coefficient increased in size showing that those who had both schooling and extension service earned comparatively more farm revenues. The role of other educative factors like extension service, demonstration attendance, and baraza attendance in influencing agricultural production was investigated. Regression results showed that extension contact had a negative and significant effect on farm revenues and profits. Demonstration and baraza attendance had similar effects on farm revenues and profits. In the value added function hired labour variable was fitted as the cost of hired labour per day. The estimated coefficient for this variable was positive and significant at 5%. The estimated coefficient for this variable shows hired labour is not optimally used, and farmers can increase their farm profits by hiring more labour. When this variable was fitted as the wage rate paid to hired labour per day the estimated coefficient was positive and significant. These results indicate that cost of hired labour depends on its quality. In the sales function hired labour was specified as mandays of hired labour per year and the estimated coefficient which reflects the shadow price of labour was higher than average hired labour wage rate implying that this factor is underemployed. In the sales function the estimated coefficient for the value of purchased inputs variable indicates that there is an element of underutilization of these inputs. This variable is fitted in value terms and in profit maximizing conditions the estimated coefficient is expected to be no different from unit. However, the estimated coefficient for this variable is approximately 2.5 showing a shilling spent on purchased inputs will bring forth 2.5 shillings. Thus an increase in the use of purchased inputs will increase farm revenues. Results show evidence of regional differences in farmer productivity and utilization of purchased inputs in favour of Central province. The study is based on the 1982 CBS-IDS-World Bank Household Survey of Rural Kenya data set. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate