Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Hamburg, 2000. / Includes glossary. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Hamburg, 2000. / Includes glossary. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of Sociology, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-178).

The focus of this thesis is on elite members of the Chagga ethnic group. Originating from the fertile yet crowded slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, this group is amongst the most entrepreneurial and best educated in Tanzania. In the literature on ethnicity, elites are usually understood as playing a key role in the imagining of ethnicities, while at the same time usually being venal and manipulating ethnicity for purely instrumental means. Yet this approach not only risks misrepresenting elites; it also clouds our understanding of ethnicity itself. This thesis interrogates themes of elites, politics and ethnicity through an examination of the trajectories of Chagga experience from the 1850s to the present. Any discussion of Chagga ethnicity must have at its centre place - the landscape of Kilimanjaro, and the kihamba banana garden. Ideas of Chagga ethnicity were shaped by how the very first European explorers and missionaries saw the landscape of the mountainside. This formed how the colonial Tanganyikan state treated the Chagga people, placing them in an advantageous position through education, and a wealthy one through the growing of coffee. In the 1950s, the Chagga ethnic group came under a single political leadership for the first time with the introduction of a Paramount Chief. This decade marked a period of Chagga nationalism. The role of intellectuals in the articulation and imagination of Chagga ethnicity is examined through two Chaggaauthored ethnohistories. After independence in 1961, the advantages of the colonial period placed Chagga elites in key roles in the new state. However, as Tanzania moved towards Julius Nyerere’s ujamaa socialism, the policies of the state began to clash with the more capitalist outlook of the Chagga elite. Nevertheless, through educational achievement and international migration, members of the Chagga elite were able to remain influential and powerful. As such, they were in an ideal position to take advantage of the political and economic liberalisation, even as new challenges emerged from within Kilimanjaro itself. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the role of ethnicity in the 2005 Presidential elections in Tanzania. This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on ethnicity in Africa by providing an account of elites that is more nuanced than in much of the existing literature. Even though Kilimanjaro saw one of the strongest manifestations of ethnic nationalism during the colonial period, Chagga elites contributed greatly to the nation-building project in postcolonial Tanzania. Tanzanian nationalism, however, did not destroy a Chagga identity, but rather enabled a new imagining of Chagga ethnicity which today continues to have a role and saliency within the Tanzanian nation.

No description available.

Mt Kilimanjaro, Africa's highest mountain (5895m), is a large, young (<1.6Ma) stratovolcano at the southern end of the East African Rift, in northern Tanzania. Consisting of three distinct volcanic centres, Shira, Mawenzi and Kibo, Shira contains the highest proportion of mafic rocks. Shira samples are strongly silica under-saturated rocks, ranging from picro-basalt, to nephelinite and hawaiite (Mg numbers (Mg #) ranging from 77.2-35.5). Phenocrysts constitute up to 55% of some samples, and include aluminous augite (often containing abundant fluid and/or melt inclusions), olivine (Fo92-Fo49), plagioclase (An75-An42), nepheline (Ne77-Ne68), magnesiochromite and ulvöspinel. Groups identified on the basis of phenocryst assemblages and textures correlate with location. East Shira Hill samples contain olivine and clinopyroxene phenocrysts + microphenocrysts of plagioclase (Group 1), or plagioclase and clinopyroxene phenocrysts + microphenocrysts of olivine (Group 2). Samples with high Mg #'s contain abundant cumulate clinopyroxene and olivine (Fo92-Fo85). Group 3 samples (Shira Ridge) contain nepheline phenocrysts and Group 4 samples (Platzkegel) have distinct intergranular textures. Chondrite normalised REE patterns are steep, with light REE-enrichment up to 400x chondrite. Spider diagrams, normalised to OIB for primitive Shira samples have strong K depletions and Pb enrichments. The source of the Shira volcanic rocks is most likely an amphibole-bearing spinel lherzolite, in which amphibole remains residual. Similarities in spider diagram patterns and trace element ratios suggest a source similar to average OIB. The Shira volcanic centre is a polygenetic volcano, in which multiple small volume, low degree (4-10%) partial melts from a metasomatised subcontinental lithospheric mantle follow pre-existing structural weaknesses, before ponding in the lithosphere. Evolution of these small volume melts is dominated by shallow fractional crystallisation of clinopyroxene, olivine±spinel, with plagioclase also fractionating from Group 4 (Platzkegel) samples. A magma mixing origin is suggested for some samples and supported by complex zonation patterns in major and trace element chemistry of clinopyroxene phenocrysts as well as linear mixing arrays. The Shira volcanic centre has since ceased activity, and collapsed to form the present day Shira Ridge and caldera before being overlain by various Kibo and parasitic lavas to the east and northwest of the Shira region.

The Chagga people have lived and worked on Mount Kilimanjaro for more than 250 years. Through traditions and social practices within their communities and families, strong bonds are established between the Chagga and their home on the mountain. Kilimanjaro National Park and Forest Reserve (KINAPA) was established in the 1970s to protect and conserve the mountain, based on a long history of colonialism and western ideals. As KINAPA has attempted to preserve the flora and fauna on the uppermost portion of Mount Kilimanjaro, they have alienated local residents from the land through a conservation approach that relies on "fences and fines." By analyzing the interaction between the organization of Kilimanjaro National Park (KINAPA) and the Chagga people who live near its boundaries, I emphasize the social side of a conservation scenario by focusing on the cultural roots of the Chagga people's sense of place and its influence on their interaction with the mountain. I take as a premise that place and culture are closely connected, and that both, in conjunction with an encroaching western influence in environmental approaches, influence environmental conservation in important ways at the local level on Kilimanjaro. By better understanding the motivations and priorities of the people who surround the lands they hope to protect, KINAPA could tap into some of the social resources it needs to sustain Mount Kilimanjaro.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-08-22Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:15:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 galattifilho_fa_me_botfca.pdf: 786923 bytes, checksum: 136cd939700e544ad54c137640d7f4fb (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / O objetivo, deste trabalho foi a espacialização da capacidade de uso das terras da microbacia do Córrego dos Rochas, Município de Avaré-SP, obtida através da utilização do Sistema de Informação Geográfica - Idrisi, visando contribuir para uma melhor organização territorial e planejamento de uma adequado da ocupação do solo. Os resultados obtidos a partir da metodologia utilizada permitiram mostrar que a maior parte das áreas de terras da microbacia dos Rochas são formadas por solos pertencentes às unidades: LATOSSOLOS VERMELHO-AMARELOS (LVA52) Distróficos (36,64%) e LATOSSOLO VERMELHOS (LV4) Eutroférricos e Distroférricos (30,30%), apresentando textura arenosa. Quanto à declividade, houve um predomínio de áreas com classes de declive de 0-12%, relevo plano a ondulado (61,37%) da área da microbacia, mostrando que essas terras são propícias para o cultivo de culturas anuais, com amplo uso da mecanização. A maior parte das terras foi classificada como sendo da classe IV (73,79 %) de capacidade de uso, porém, foram encontradas as seguintes subclasses de capacidade de uso das terras: IIe,s; IIIe; IVs; IVe; IVe,s, VIe e VIIe. As subclasses de capacidade IVe; IVe,s, IVs e VIe foram as mais representativas, mostrando tratar-se de terras que podem ser utilizadas para fins agrícolas, próprias para lavouras em geral, ressaltando-se que, quando cultivadas sem cuidados 2 especiais, ficam sujeitas a severos riscos de depauperamento, principalmente quando os solos são utilizadas culturas anuais. O Sistema de Informação Geográfica - Idrisi mostrou-se eficiente na determinação da capacidade de uso das terras da microbacia do Bairro dos Rochas, Município de Avaré-SP, demonstrando que a utilização de ferramentas de geoprocessamento facilita e agiliza os trabalhos dos cruzamento de dados, permitindo o armazenamento digital... . / In this context, the present work had a purpose the determination of the shart of land use capacity of the watershed of the Rochas in Municipal District of Avaré-SP, obtained through the use of Geographical Information System - Idrisi, looking for contribute to a better territorial organization and for the planning of a right occupation of the soil. The results obtained with the used methodology to show that the most of the areas of the watershed of the Rocha are organized by soil belonging to the units LVA52d (36, 54%) and LV4e (30, 30%) presenting textures that are sandy. About the declivity, had a predominance of areas with slope classes of 0-12%, plane relief to wavy (61, 37%) of the watershed showing that this lands are good to cultivate the annual cultures, with wide use of the mechanization. The biggest part of the lands of watershed were classified as being of the class IV of use capacity, but were found the following subclasses of capacity of land uses: IIe,s; IIIe; IVs; IVe; IVe,s, VIe e VIIe. The capacity subclasses IVe; IVe,s, e IVs (73,79%) e VIe (15,56%) were the most representatives, showing been about lands that can be used to agricultural ends, private to farming majority, jutting out that when cultivated without special cares, they stay in dangerous risks of impoverishment, mainly when the soils are cultivated with annual cultures. Information Geographical System - Idrisi show itself efficient in the determination of capacity in land uses of the wastershed of the Rochas in the Avaré-SP Municipal District, showing that the use of geoprocessing tools digital storage that will come to be used to another analyses, above all to future planning of the territories and environment areas studied already.

Chagga women who control land on Mt. Kilimanjaro, Tanzania, have a deep and profound sense of attachment to their lands and homes. This thesis compares their reasons for attachment to the systemic model. The systemic model states that community attachment is dependent on social ties and interactions. The three factors that lead to these ties are length of residence, social status, and age. In-depth interviews with women in 2002 and 2003, a survey from 2002, and field notes from 2002 and 2003 are used to explain the main factors of attachment of women in three villages on the mountain: Mbahe, Marangu, and Chekereni. This research finds that social ties are not dependent on length of residence, but do have some connections with social status and age. Women have social ties regardless of their length of residence. They interact with each other no matter the social status of the other, but this occurs more frequently as the women are more involved in education and religion. Western influences, land shortages, and economic pressures are causing the interactions of the young and old to be more strained. Though social ties are partly related so social status and age, this thesis finds that the attachment of Chagga women does not completely follow the systemic model. Instead, the women's attachment is primarily associated with family ties. The land has provided food and income for their families for generations and it is the hope of each of the women that it will continue to care for their families in such a way.