The main objective of this essay is to seek the answers to three questions: 1) What strategies and methods did Moderata kvinnors rösträttsförening, MKR, use to present their viewpoint on the issue of female voting rights? 2) How were the paradox, with conservatism and radical change, treated in their arguments for their opinion? 3)Why did the conservative female believe they distinguished from other voting struggling females? The purpose is to examine how MKR balanced their ideological fundamental idea and radical change in the female voting struggle during 1917-1921. The sources that’s been useful are the archives of the female voting movements, moderate women suffrage association and Gertrud Törnells text Responsibility. The study is a qualitative study and the text material has been analyzed. The results show that the conservative ladies in MKR had another standing in the struggle of female voting than other voting struggle ladies when it comes to the solutions. The aim was the same but it differed in what way it would happen. The conservative ladies wanted a less radical solution and a longer transition. MKR wanted to educate the women so that they could make reasonable decisions on the political arena. MKR also believed that the question should be taken more seriously if the women had different standings, mixed with a united front. It would make them more credible and politically mature.

This essay aims to analyze Zachar Prilepin's book “The Platoon. Officers and Militias of Russian Literature” in the context of the book's affiliation to the cultural expressions of the conservative post-post-Soviet historical interpretation. Zachar Prilepin is not only a well-known and well-established modern Russian writer but also a mnemotic actor who actively participates in memory politics and creates a current radical-conservative discourse within this framework. "Platoon" was published in collaboration between the author and the Russian Military History Society. The book, which consists of the biographies of 11 Russian writers, is considered within the framework of this essay as a program script containing a set of various concepts which form the concentrate of the respective worldview. As well as the overall and central warrior-poet concept that is the subject of a comprehensive analysis devoted to the central place in this essay. The "Platoon" is a prime example of an ongoing reformatting of the view on the past that reflects the post-post-Soviet conservative reading of 19th century history. This book postulates that the poet cannot only become a warrior and take part in the wars for the sake of the Fatherland, but also has such an obligation. In this way, art is put in the service of the state - a militaristic empire that art is obliged to praise, just as it must praise death for own sake. The method for this essay is an integrated approach, which was chosen to combine general scientific and special methods. That is methods such as the method of abstraction, the descriptive-functional method and the method of ascension from the abstract to the concrete. The material for this study consists mainly of Zachar Prilepin's book "Platoon" was mainly used. In addition to this, scientific articles and various publications in the mass media were also used. / Denna uppsats analyserar Zachar Prilepins bok ”Plutonen. Den ryska litteraturens officerare och lantvärnsmän” Boken kan ses som ett bidrag hemmahörande inom den post-sovjetiska kontexten av historietolkning. Zachar Prilepin är inte bara en välkänd och väletablerad modern rysk författare, utan även en mnemonisk aktör som aktivt deltar i den ryska minnespolitiken som skapar en aktuell radikal-konservativ diskurs inom dess ramar. ”Plutonen” gavs ut i samarbete mellan författaren och det Ryska Militärhistoriska Sällskapet. Boken, som består av 11 ryska litteratörers biografier, betraktas inom ramen för denna uppsats som en programskrift som innehåller en uppsättning av diverse koncept vilka utgör ett koncentrat av respektive författares världsåskådning och världsuppfattning. Boken innehåller även ett övergripande, och för denna studie centralt, koncept nämligen krigare-poet som är föremål för en omfattande analys och som står i fokus för denna uppsats. ”Plutonen” är ett framträdande exempel på en pågående omformatering av synen på det förflutna som speglar den post-postsovjetiska konservativa läsningen av 1800-talets historia. Denna bok postulerar att poet inte bara kan bli krigare och delta i krigen för Fosterlandets skull utan även har en sådan förpliktelse. På ett sådant sätt sätts konsten i tjänst till staten – ett militaristiskt imperium som konsten måste besjunga, precis som den måste besjunga döden för dess skull Metoden för denna uppsats är ett integrerat tillvägagångssätt som kombinerar allmänna vetenskapliga och speciella metoder såsom abstraktionsmetoden, den beskrivande-funktionella metoden och metoden för uppstigning från det abstrakta till det konkreta. Materialet som används för denna uppsats är huvudsakligen Prilepins bok ”Plutonen”. Utöver detta användes även vetenskapliga artiklar samt diverse publikationer i mass-media.

As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.