<p> With the era of the baby boomers getting to an age where health care issues will be at an all-time high, the shortage of nurses is a problem many health care organizations are already facing. There is a huge opportunity for many nurses to get hired given the state of California requires facilities to maintain a nurse-to-patient ratio. These ratios vary depending on the severity level of the patient&rsquo;s illness or condition the unit admits. </p><p> The goal of the company is to be able to help hospitals, convalescent home, retirement centers and other skilled nursing facilities meet their patient satisfaction expectations by providing the nurses needed to maintain quality of care. Nurses that will be provided are Licensed Vocational Nurses, Registered Nurses and Nurse Practitioners. </p><p> The company will have a unique approach to market itself out of Long Beach to be accessible to both Los Angeles and Orange County population and facilities. This business plan will go over four different chapters of the Gomez Nurse Staffing Agency in topics such as Marketing, Feasibility, Laws and Regulations and Financial Statements.</p><p>

M.A. (Industrial Psychology) / South Africa is currently experiencing a period typified by daily changes in the labour economy and in its political structures. As a result of the critical shortage of skilled human resources, a decreasing white population and political pressure to reform, the country is under constant pressure to develop its human resources, race groups that are underdeveloped in the middle and top structures of the labour force. In this regard strategies to advance the occupational mobility of blacks are progressively being undertaken by South African companies. Given the pressing demands for human resource development the results of strategies to advance the occupational mobility of blacks are still perceived as unsatisfactory. Various contrasting views exist regarding the specific factors that inhibit black advancement as well as that which ought to be addressed in order to solve the problems underlying such advancement. In the absence of a coherent theoretical basis through which factors that inhibit the advancement of black occupational mobility can be explained and studied, the need for a suitable approach or framework to develop such a theoretical model, was identified. It was decided to study the problems underlying black advancement in South Africa by utilising a strategic-cultural approach. Before a strategic-cultural approach could be developed the nature and extent of the factors that inhibit the advancement of black occupational mobility was systematically examined. Inhibiting factors were analysed from literature through an integrated approach and it was found that the marginal position of the black labourer is fundamental to all of the contrasting views in this regard. In order to optimize the person-environment match relevant to the so-called marginal position of the black labourer it is emphasized in this study that the organisation's discemable and undiscemable structures should be changed...

Using data from the 2014-2016 Major League Soccer (MLS) seasons, this paper finds evidence for nationality discrimination in the MLS. In particular, foreign players receive a wage premium of 15.97 percent, ceteris paribus. Foreign players also receive an additional bump in their salary based on performance. Finally, using an Oaxaca (1973) decomposition, I find that 22-26% of the differences in wages between foreign and domestic players is largely due to discrimination.

<p> Intimately interwoven in American culture is the unquestioned notion of paid labor as a personally gratifying moral and civic responsibility. Yet, of the 46 million Americans living in poverty in 2010, 23% held jobs (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012). The U.S. fast food industry employs 4 million workers (Statista, 2014) and &ldquo;pays the minimum wage to a higher portion of its workers than any other American industry&rdquo; (Schlosser, 2001). </p><p> The research methodology for this study was critical ethnography, which explores a cultural phenomenon and attempts to provoke social change by giving voice to marginalized communities (Thomas, 1993). A New York City&ndash;based nonprofit organization working to organize fast food workers was the field site for the study. The mining of empirical material involved multiple qualitative research methods, including observation, document and artifact analysis, and interviews with 25 fast food workers who participated at one or more strikes. This study addressed a single research question: What role does work ethic as a legitimizing myth play in the work lives of New York City fast food workers who live and work in New York City and who have participated in work actions or demonstrations? Sidanius (1999) defined legitimizing myths&mdash;an element of his social dominance theory&mdash;as &ldquo;values, attitudes, beliefs, causal attributions, and ideologies providing moral and intellectual justifications for social practices that either increase, maintain, or decrease levels of social inequality among social groups&rdquo; (p. 104). </p><p> The study found that the role of work ethic as a hierarchy-enhancing legitimizing myth appeared to depend upon what the individual was fighting to achieve when she or he joined the Fight for $15, i.e., emancipation, reciprocity, worker solidarity, or personal development. Stigma and stigmatization appeared to act as a mechanism to maintain group-based social hierarchy and thereby reinforce the legitimization of the work ethic myth. In addition, the research participants had low expectations of escaping poverty in the future and experienced anxiety about the temporal nature of a future positive financial situation, further legitimizing the work ethic narrative. Recommendations based on these findings are offered for theory and research, and policy and practice.</p><p>

This study examines how South African labour markets changed during the first decade in the post-Apartheid era. The results show the emergence of a new form of racial inequality, as witnessed by sharply divergent patterns in the returns to education between Whites and Blacks. Moreover, while this has occurred, the incomes of Blacks are shown to have been far more stagnant over the first five years after democracy than typically thought to be the case, with chance events playing a major role in generating changes that are observed. Finally, chance appears to also be strongly related to changes in employment status, though in this case, its effect is mediated through access to parental resources and risk-sharing networks. These findings suggest that without active policy on a variety of fronts, dealing with persistent labour market discrimination, the poor quality of black schooling, and unemployment and social security provision, little change can be expected in the near future for the vast majority of South Africans. Indeed, the results suggest that emerging trends in South African labour markets could possibly even reverse gains made over the past decade in some areas of social service provision.

Between 1790 and 1865, the Jamaican political economy experienced a series of structural crises which precipitated changes in the relations of production on the island. Faced with changes within the global circulation of capital, groups of Jamaican elites, using their positions of privilege within the socio-economic hierarchy of the island, attempted to manipulate the socio-economic upheavals of the nineteenth century to maintain and reinforce their wealth, power, and status within Jamaican society. Within this context, large-scale coffee production, first using slave- and then later wage-based labor systems, was introduced to Jamaica for the first time. The introduction and development of this industry in one coffee producing region, the Yallahs drainage of the Blue Mountains in the southeastern quadrant of the island, are considered as manifestations of the global change that was affecting Jamaica at the time. A crucial component of the socio-economic manipulations of the nineteenth century was the introduction and negotiation of new social spaces. Two sequential phases of negotiation were experienced and have been interpreted: the introduction of coffee production under slavery, and the reorganization of labor/capital relations following emancipation. The intentions behind, and the often contested results of, the elites' attempts at restructuring the logic of accumulation during these phases of manipulation are interpreted by examining the historical, cartographic, and archaeological records. These various data sets are considered to be manifestations of three interrelated dimensions of space: the cognitive, the social and the material. By examining plantation space in this theoretical context, this dissertation interprets the way new spaces were designed and intended by elites to reinforce new social relations, and how such manipulations were resisted by the African-Jamaican majority in the Yallahs region.

This study examines the gender dynamics of the migration and settlement of Indian indentured workers in Trinidad and Guyana between 1845 and 1917, laying particular emphasis on the ways in which migration of Indian women workers impacted and changed the dynamics of the settlement process of Indians in Trinidad and Guyana. I argue in this thesis that the presence of sufficient numbers of females throughout this particular history of indentured migration and settlement had important and far-reaching implications for the nature of rural social and economic formations that evolved in post emancipation societies of Trinidad and Guyana. This thesis, is not then, the story only of women's migration, or their roles in the new social and economic formations in Trinidad and Guyana in the period 1845 to 1917, but also discusses the relational aspects of women's and men's experiences and the politics of gender that influenced the indentureship experiment. I examine the ways in which the presence of a critical mass of women indentured and ex-indentured workers influenced not only the working of the sugarcane economy but also the ways in which the socio-cultural and sexual relationships evolved within the emergent rural community of Indians. The history of migration and indentureship is traced from the recruitment process in India where gender and patriarchy impacted the ways in which females were enlisted for contractual work overseas, to the eventual settlement of Indian women and men workers in their newly adopted homes in Trinidad and Guyana. I have based this thesis on British official sources like annual emigration and immigration reports, official correspondences, parliamentary and other inquiry committee reports, censuses, and non-official sources like contemporary newspapers, journals, travel and planter memoirs, missionary memoirs, an autobiography by Anna Mahase, Sr. born during my period of study, and oral interviews with ex-indentured men and women in Trinidad. Some of the hidden areas of knowledge about indentured men's and women's lives, particularly around questions of social, sexual, and ritual expressions, as also the ways in which the economic and social activities of women and men in peasant households were allocated, have been constructed through the reading of non-official sources like memoirs, newspapers, autobiographies, and three different sources of oral interviews of men and women.

Orientador: Vandeí Pinto da Silva / Banca: Alonso Bezerra de Carvalho / Banca: Rosiane de Fátima Ponce / Resumo: Uma abordagem ontológica do ser social encontra a unidade entre lógica, teoria do conhecimento e dialética em termos materiais. Contrária a uma tradicional separação entre natureza e sociedade, implica em uma leitura histórica das relações sociais e um tratamento das representações subjetivas em termos da práxis, como conceito filosófico da atividade prática que considera primordialmente suas intrincadas e múltiplas manifestações reflexivas. Tem a atividade do trabalho como categoria central de análise por sua potencialidade transformadora e reconhece a contradição, imanente a qualquer fenômeno, como o motor que permite mudanças qualitativas na sociedade. Investiga-se, sobre esta perspectiva e nos modos da educação atual, as possibilidades de superação dos problemas ambientais, que têm como representação o conceito de Antropoceno. Destaca-se a importância da problemática ecológica no Brasil à luz deste conceito, vislumbrando o processo de desenvolvimento produtivo no país, principalmente a partir da mudança do eixo econômico do modelo agrário-exportador para o urbano-industrial, com a construção dos grandes centros comerciais e o consecutivo aumento do trabalho manifesto como trabalho abstrato (compreendido como mercadoria). A escola pública ganha espaço na agenda nacional durante este período, colégios são criados para preparar esta população que precisava ser melhor instruída para este novo tipo de trabalho que a indústria e a cidade exigiam. Com o processo de globalização ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: An ontological approach to social being finds the unity between logic, theory of knowledge and dialectic in material terms. Contrary to a traditional separation between nature and society, implies a historical reading of social relations and a treatment of subjective representations in terms of praxis, as a philosophical concept of practical activity that considers primarily its intricate and multiple reflective manifestations. It has the activity of labor as the central category of analysis for its transforming potentiality, and recognizes the contradiction, immanent to any phenomenon, as the motor that allows qualitative changes in society. It is investigated, on this perspective and in the modes of the present education, the possibilities of overcoming the problems of the environmental, which has as representation the concept of anthropocene. It is important to highlight the importance of the ecological problem in Brazil, in light of this concept, looking at the process of productive development in the country, mainly from the economic axis of the agrarian-export model to the urban-industrial model, with the construction of large centers and the consequent increase of labor manifest as abstract labor (understood as commodity). The public school gained space on the national agenda during this period, colleges were created to prepare this population who needed to be better educated for this new type of work that the industry and the city demanded. With the globalization proc... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

In this dissertation, I try to understand processes of dispossession and exclusion within a class-focused Marxian framework grounded in the epistemological position of overdetermination. The Marxian concept of primitive accumulation has become increasingly prominent in contemporary discussions on these issues. The dominant reading of “primitive accumulation” in the Marxian tradition is historicist, and consequently the notion itself remains outside the field of Marxian political economy. The contemporary literature has de-historicized the concept, but at the same time missed Marx’s unique class-perspective. Based on a non-historicist reading of Marx, I argue that primitive accumulation—i.e. separation of direct producers from means of production in non-capitalist class processes—is constitutive of capitalism and not a historical process confined to the period of transition from pre-capitalism to capitalism. I understand primitive accumulation as one aspect of a more complex (contradictory) relation between capitalist and non-capitalist class structure which is subject to uneven development and which admit no teleological universalization of any one class structure. Thus, this dissertation claims to present a notion of primitive accumulation theoretically grounded in the Marxian political economy. In particular, the dissertation problematizes the dominance of capital over a heterogeneous social formation and understands primitive accumulation as a process which simultaneously supports and undermines such dominance. At a more concrete level, I apply this new understanding of primitive accumulation to a social formation—consisting of “ancient” and capitalist enterprises—and consider a particular conjuncture where capitalist accumulation is accompanied by emergence and even expansion of a “surplus population” primarily located in the “ancient” economy. Using these theoretical arguments, I offer an account of postcolonial capitalism in India, distinguishing between two different regimes—(1) the dirigiste planning regime and (2) the laissez-faire regime. I argue that both regimes had to grapple with the problem of surplus population, as the capitalist expansion under both regimes involved primitive accumulation. I show how small peasant agriculture, traditional non-capitalist industry and informal “ancient” enterprises (both rural and urban) have acted as “sinks” for surplus population throughout the period of postcolonial capitalist development in India. Keywords: primitive accumulation, surplus population, postcolonial capitalism

In 1870 a Massachusetts shoe manufacturer imported 75 Chinese workers to break a strike. This event ignited nationwide interest in Chinese immigration and ultimately led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first law ever passed by the United States banning a group of people based solely on race or nationality. The origins of the Chinese Exclusion Act involve many factors, but the most important force behind the law was national politicians who, in an era of almost perfectly-balanced party strength, seized the issue in the quest for votes. Politicians appealed directly to voters' deep-seated racism. They manipulated the image of the Chinese immigrant--who often appeared positively and heroically in popular culture--and transformed it into something grotesque. The politics of racism brought success in the West where most Chinese immigrants had settled, but the campaign fell flat east of the Rocky Mountains. No groundswell of support for exclusion emerged in the East in the mid-1870s. In 1877, however, after the national railroad strike revealed the stark class divisions in American society, politicians shifted their tactics and presented Chinese exclusion as a way to help the workingman. They did this in spite of the fact that eastern workers had expressed virtually no interest in the issue. Workers had long opposed the importation of Chinese laborers but not their immigration. Workers carefully distinguished between the two--a distinction ignored by politicians and historians alike. To politicians, Chinese exclusion became a panacea for rising working-class discontent. By making the Chinese the scapegoat for the nation's industrial problems, politicians could avoid dealing with the genuine causes of the depression; they could also ignore more far-reaching solutions which would have required direct government intervention in the economy. Chinese exclusion served as class politics on the cheap. Such anti-Chinese politics served other functions as well. It helped wean Republicans away from the equal rights ideals of the Civil War and legitimized racism as national policy. A classic example of top-down politics, the Chinese Exclusion Act symbolically marked the end of Reconstruction and set a precedent for later anti-immigration legislation.