In South Africa, labour has played a central role in shaping the transition to democracy. It remained an open question as to whether labour could sustain it’s involvement during the period of consolidation after the first democratic elections. As was evident in other emerging democracies, economic liberalization often led to stagnation and high costs being imposed on workers, while weakening the state. South African trade unions thus faced formidable problems as they had to respond to rapid economic and industrial change. While being stubborn, South African trade unions remain adaptable enough to survive and grow into the 21st Century. In this dissertation, the writer examines the relevance of trade unions in contemporary South Africa and how they are coming to terms with the deregulated labour market, and the question of globalisation. We look at the emergence of new forms of collective bargaining, the growth of trade unions as partners in a changing workplace and the different ways trade unions are modernising themselves to attract new members. Labour when used as a collective force is capable of shaping democratization through the strategic use of power. Labour has the potential , through participation in negotiated compromises, to ensure that the costs of adjustments are not borne by workers alone. To this end, the South African trade union movement has developed innovative strategies and institutions.

Since its transition to a free and democratic society in 1994 South Africa has increasingly become part of the global community. South African goods and services flow freely across borders to other markets and likewise goods and services from outside South Africa flow into the country. The South African economy is judged according to how it competes in the global economy placing increasing pressure on South African businesses and the economy generally to be competitive. Government needs to create the economic environment in South Africa which allows businesses to be in a position to compete, by introducing appropriate economic and monetary policies. Recent policy decisions have tended to focus on price control and stability and stimulating economic growth. These policies, it is hoped, would lead to sustained economic growth and the creation of employment. One particular area of concern is government’s lack of adequate focus on unemployment in South Africa. The unemployment rate has increased since 1994 and specific labour market policies, aimed at stimulating employment creation, are required. The South African labour market is characterised by a high level of institutional regulation through labour legislation which, while protecting the rights of workers, tends to create barriers to employment creation. The issue is whether South African labour legislation is inflexible and whether that inflexibility is a hindrance to the creation of employment and the reduction of unemployment. This study seeks to explain and evaluate the role of South African labour legislation and the effect it has on employment creation and the high rate of unemployment in South Africa. / Prof. S. Chetty

Section 29(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (the Constitution) guarantees the right to a basic education, including a basic adult education and further education. In realising this right, the State is obliged to provide financial and human resources in a manner that will transform society as a whole and deliver a better life for all citizens. The human resources in the main refer to educators. Education is one of key priorities of the present government to the extent that President Zuma has instructed that a presidential commission be established to look into the conditions of service of public servants and in particular that of educators. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) has proposed the Decent Work Country Programmes to help countries align their policies with the international goal of the achievement of Decent Work for all. South Africa has done a lot of work in this regard; however the main challenge remains with the implementation and acceptance of such policies by the major stakeholders especially the trade unions. This treatise investigates the impact of the Decent Work Agenda (DWA) on the job security and provisioning of educators in South Africa. It also explores the conditions of service of temporary educators and those educators who are teaching in the rural areas under extremely difficult conditions in comparison with their counterparts in urban areas. This treatise also examines the status of social dialogue in the education sector and the impact of same on collective bargaining. This treatise recommends that the utilisation of the services of temporary educators need to be regulated to address the continuous extension of temporary contracts that is impacting negatively on job security. It also suggests that urgent measures in the form of norms and standards be determined to improve the working conditions of educators who are teaching in rural areas under very difficult circumstances.

It has been established that people with disabilities are in most cases excluded from society and major activities in society such as social recreation and employment in the open labour market. Only 1 % of people with disabilities in South Africa are working in the open labour market. Only some of the 99%, who do not work, receive a small grant from the state, which is their only form of income (White Paper on Integrated National Disability Strategy, 1997: 2-3). It is however an objective of the South African government to achieve equity in the open labour market. According to the Employment Equity Act, 1998 (Act No. 55 of 1998), employers must not discriminate against any person, in this case the person with a disability, and should employ and reasonably accommodate the needs of people with disabilities. This causes a dilemma for many employers, because of stigma and misconceptions of disability and lack of knowledge and skills to accommodate and integrate disabled people in the workplace. There is also no training program or guidelines for a training program, developed through an empirical research process, available to assist employers in this process of integrating people with disabilities into the open labour market. As little research has formally been done regarding the attitudes, perceptions and needs of employers to integrate people with disabilities into the labour market, the subject of this study is relatively new. The researcher has therefore conducted an exploratory research study to explore employment possibilities for people with disabilities, the attitudes, perceptions and needs of employers as well as barriers that prevent the employment of disabled people. Based on this information the researcher has described guidelines for a training program for employers to integrate people with disabilities into the open labour market. This research study utilised the dominant-less-dominant model Creswell (in De Vos et aI., 2002: 365-367) has identified. The dominant approach was the quantitative approach, because of the structured interviews that were utilised in the collection of the data. Intervention and developmental research, a model from Rothman and Thomas, was utilised , because new knowledge was developed in this study. A framework for this study was established by undertaking a literature study regarding the theoretical framework for the study, disability as a social phenomenon, employers and the open labour market and strategies to integrate people with disabilities into the open labour market. Based on the literature study, a structured interview schedule was developed and 30 respondents took part in this study. The empirical research findings according to structured interviews with 30 respondents were analysed, interpreted and graphically displayed. According to these findings, guidelines for a training program for employers to integrate people with disabilities into the open labour market were formulated and further recommendations were made. The most important recommendation include: • To develop, on the grounds of these guidelines, a training program for employers to integrate disabled people into the open labour market, which can be tested, evaluated and disseminated in the future. / Dissertation (MSD (Research))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Social Work and Criminology / unrestricted

Strike waves in the late nineteenth century United States caused widespread property destruction, but strike leaders did not suggest threats to employer property as a comprehensive strategy until the I.W.W. adopted a deliberate program of sabotage. Contrary to historical consensus, sabotage was an intellectually coherent and politically generative response to progressive, technocratic dreams of frictionless social cooperation that would have major consequences for the labor movement. This dissertation treats sabotage as a significant contribution to the intellectual debates that were generated by labor conflict and rapid industrialization and examines its role in shaping federal labor policy. It contends that the suppression of sabotage staked out the limits of acceptable speech and the American political imagination.

No description available.

No description available.

A study of the labor policy of the Ford motor company at Dallas, Texas.

对于转型期中国的劳动争议，为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系，另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制？为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议？而且，为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率，反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下？国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的？劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解？最后，国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响？对于上述问题，本文提出一种“司法化与“政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的“司法化特征，但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系“政治化，不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使，也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产，也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构，既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权，也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果，“调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略，调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面，“调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能，使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面，工人们“准司法化的维权观与国家“去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力，形成了“挤出效应，迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头，采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 / An expansion of mediation in China’s labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state’s long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor’s disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as “mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state’s capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers’ judicialized preference, the state’s over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China’s industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of “mediate first reveals a dual trajectory as strong politicization and weak judicialization in contemporary China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 庄文嘉. / "2013年6月". / "2013 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 245-264). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhuang Wenjia. / Chapter 第一章 --- 研究设计 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 研究问题 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 概念界定 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- 研究方法 --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- 论文结构 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文献评述 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1 --- 中国研究中有关劳资关系中国家角色的讨论 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- 中国研究中有关调解机制的讨论 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3 --- 比较政治学中有关威权政治司法化的讨论 --- p.28 / Chapter 第三章 --- 制度遗产 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.1 --- 1912-1948年:“调而不停的工潮 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.2 --- 1949-1955年:理想国的改造 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.3 --- 1956-1985年:人民内部矛盾 --- p.56 / Chapter 3.4 --- 1986-1992年:先发制人 --- p.61 / Chapter 3.5 --- 1993-2007年:内忧外患 --- p.69 / Chapter 3.6 --- 2008-2012年:抗争与维稳 --- p.80 / Chapter 3.7 --- 小结 --- p.87 / Chapter 第四章 --- 地方利益结构 --- p.93 / Chapter 4.1 --- 保护地方投资环境和扩大财稅收益 --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2 --- 回应上级维稳压力 --- p.99 / Chapter 4.3 --- 克服行政资源不足和改善治理能力 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.4 --- 应付绩效考核和缓解工作压力 --- p.106 / Chapter 4.5 --- 走向“大调解 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.6 --- 小结 --- p.114 / Chapter 第五章 --- 法律(潜在)使用者的支持程度 --- p.117 / Chapter 5.1 --- 对调解者的强政治信任 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.2 --- 操作化 --- p.125 / Chapter 5.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.135 / Chapter 5.4 --- 小结 --- p.138 / Chapter 第六章 --- 调解何以优先 --- p.142 / Chapter 6.1 --- 不运用法律的法律运用 --- p.142 / Chapter 6.2 --- 操作化、数据与方法 --- p.146 / Chapter 6.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.153 / Chapter 6.4 --- 小结 --- p.161 / Chapter 第七章 --- “调解优先的宏观影响：分化效应和制度内抗争的个体化 --- p.164 / Chapter 7.1 --- 转型期中国的集体性劳动争议 --- p.167 / Chapter 7.2 --- 假设与操作化 --- p.172 / Chapter 7.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.182 / Chapter 7.4 --- 小结 --- p.186 / Chapter 第八章 --- “调解优先的微观影响:挤出效应和制度外抗争的暴力化 --- p.188 / Chapter 8.1 --- “准司法化的维权观和“去司法化的维稳观 --- p.189 / Chapter 8.2 --- 操作化与方法 --- p.196 / Chapter 8.3 --- 经验发现 --- p.201 / Chapter 8.4 --- 小结 --- p.210 / Chapter 第九章 --- 结论：调而不解的劳动争议 --- p.211 / Chapter 9.1 --- 研究发现 --- p.211 / Chapter 9.2 --- 研究贡献 --- p.219 / Chapter 9.3 --- 研究局限性与下一步研究计划 --- p.225 / Chapter 附录1 --- 2012年广州四区外来工抽样调查执行问卷 --- p.228 / Chapter 附录2 --- 2008年至2012年在广东省田野调查中的访谈目录 --- p.243 / 参考文献 --- p.245

Diverse managerial control and worker resistance constitute two faces of the power struggle between management and migrant workers in contemporary South China. Their power struggle will be demonstrated in four contested terrains: Exit (the labour market), the labour process, the communication domain, and the reproduction process of labour force. The race of labour demand and supply in the local labour market is the bedrock of the power struggle in the workplace. In the labour shortage period, the high turnover and the insufficient labour supply push management to incorporate the control on worker's exit as an important part into their work. In the labour process, it is hard for management to stick on the overt, punishment-oriented control. Two new control models are created: the laissez-faire control and the "human-based" control. In contrary to the weakening managerial control, worker resistance becomes overt, frequent, and diverse in this period. It includes strike, direct refusal, making troubles, various individual transgressions, and the construction of resistant discourse. Mobile communication creates a new battlefield in which management invents novel ways to enhance control while workers discover new methods of self-protection and resistance. Mobile phone becomes a micro, electronic Panopticon, used by management to locate, track, and control workers. In order to resist the ubiquitous control brought by mobile phone, migrant workers either directly refuse to purchase a mobile phone, or create various excuses to "lose" the connection with management. The factory dormitory is the site where managerial control over the reproduction of labour force can practice. In the labour shortage period, management strengthens their control on the factory dormitory and canteen, in order to stabilize the labour force and reduce the labour cost. Strike, threat, complaint, and looking for alternatives are workers' tactics to resist the dormitory regime. These four contested terrains constitute a new picture of labour politics in South China, which is full of conflicts, ambivalences, contradictions, and innovations. / Key Words: Control, Resistance, Migrant Worker, Labour Politics, Mobile Phone, South China / This research examines a new sophistication in the power struggle between the new generation of migrant workers and their management, in a time of rising labour shortage in South China. Different from previous studies, this research focuses on the dynamic interaction between capital and labour and pays more attention to the creative practices of migrant workers, especially in their readiness to leave unhappy working conditions to seek jobs elsewhere, their strategic utilization of the advantage position in the labour market to fight for their interests, and their use of personal communication technology to open up a space for reshaping work relationships and circumventing control by the management. / Peng, Yinni. / Adviser: Susanne Y. P. Choi. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-10, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-257). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.