Why and how do societies change institutions governing access to land after experiencing collectivism and conflict, and what form of economic governance emerges as a result? This empirically-focussed thesis examines changes in land governance in two successor states of Yugoslavia transitioning from inter-ethnic war to fragile peace, and from a command- to a more market-driven economy: Bosnia and Kosovo. The subject of analysis is explaining what drives processes of land governance change; how these occur; who engages in them; and the form of economic governance that appears to emerge. The thesis contributes to knowledge on international state-building in contexts where after conflict and collectivism, liberal state-builders are positioned to influence land governance alongside informal networks and domestic governing elites. Using process tracing and extensive field work data from semi-structured elite interviews and primary documentation, it investigates and compares six case studies of institutional change in land registration, use and alienation governance. It applies Ostrom's rational choice institutionalist analytical framework to identify the situational rules that created status quos of unregulated land access and enduring opportunities for rent-seeking in post-conflict Bosnia and Kosovo, as well as commonalities and differences between the cases. The framework suits taking a long-term perspective on change, from the end of conflict to 2015, and helps consider how structural influences, like Yugoslav and post-conflict legacies and liberal state-building agendas, may have (re)shaped enduring problems of unregulated land access. Finally, it permits using three different theories to explain why, how and with what outcome domestic and external actors change such status quos in land governance. All case study findings show that in quadruple transition contexts, land governance change processes emerge when domestic leaders learn and recognize the economic problems of unregulated land access. In particular, the lack of reliable information about land rights was seen to scare (foreign) real estate investors. This recognition was helped along by liberal state-builders that pressured for land governance change in both countries. However, in Bosnia,their pressure was short-term, and persistent only in land registration reform. Institutionalizing this liberalizing reform proved sufficient to attract foreign investors. Yet to access other land rents, like building permits, personal and political connections remained crucial for land investment. Having clearer land records thus appeared to consolidate rather than undermine more impersonal forms of economic governance. By contrast, Kosovo's land registration, use and alienation governance changed in far-reaching ways. Yet institutional changes often failed to resolve uncertainty about land rights. As such situations endured, elites recognized that Kosovo's economic problems grew. This motivated continued external, national and local-level support for land governance change. The concluding analysis gives reason to explain Bosnian land governance change as Limited Access Order Consolidation, while Kosovo's as Problem- Driven Iterative Adaptation. That suggests, on the one hand, that Bosnian and Kosovar elites tend to change situational rules in land governance differently: the former by only aligning them with narrow elite interests to consolidate their control over rent-seeking opportunities; the latter with a more inclusive, trial and error processes that have more fragile, open-ended outcomes. The difference seems to arise from Kosovo's economic predicament in land governance: it more strongly incentivizes local and national-level elites to cooperate and institutionalize changes that makes accessing land rents both easier and more impersonal. Yet on the other hand, the analysis shows commonality. The possibility of increasing land rents more powerfully explains land governance change than the introduction of a new external agenda, best practice or standard (Solution and Leadership Driven Change). I.e. observed over a longer period, it appears that post-conflict societies have strong endogenous reasons to rise above situations of unregulated resource access, and to collaborate and overcome collective action problems. Liberal state builders still have a potential role to play. They may help liberalize land governance to some extent, yet only so long as they commit with long-term support and a readiness to adapt to the interests of local governing elites. The thesis therefore underscores earlier findings that contest that liberal state-building agendas, including European integration, are principal drivers of institutional change in quadruple transition contexts. Simultaneously, it challenges findings that overemphasize the domestic constraints on (externallysupported) attempts at liberalizing economic governance. The thesis thus adds to debates between new institutionalists highlighting domestic 'deep structures' and those stressing external incentives and agency.

O Novo Código Florestal (NCF), instituído com a Lei nº 12.651/2012, estabelece uma política ambiental de criação de mercado para as propriedades privadas inseridas no interior das Unidades de Conservação (UCs) de domínio público. Essa é uma alternativa de regularização fundiária das UCs, ao mesmo tempo que é um mecanismo atrativo de compra de terras com baixo custo de oportunidade para os proprietários que precisam compensar seus déficits de áreas de Reserva Legal (RL). A pergunta que norteou este trabalho foi a seguinte: diante da debilidade da governança fundiária brasileira, qual o alcance da política de criação de mercado para compensar a área dos imóveis rurais sem RL por áreas tituladas privadas inseridas nos limites das UCs de domínio público, instituído pelo NCF no bioma Cerrado? Evidenciou-se que a ocupação desse bioma (com grandes propriedades monocultoras, com o acelerado avanço da fronteira agrícola e, consequentemente, com o aumento do preço da terra) torna a compensação de RL nessas áreas, pelo mecanismo analisado, bastante atrativa economicamente. Uma vez que o custo de oportunidade da alternativa (de restaurar as áreas de RL deficitárias) é alto por mantê-las com vegetação nativa versus o valor da produção agropecuária na propriedade, vis-à-vis os preços baixos de terra dessas UCs. A presente tese está alicerçada na discussão teórica sobre política ambiental e governança de terras e tem como objetivo sistematizar uma metodologia que permita aferir a quantidade de áreas existentes nas UCs que podem ser comercializadas neste mercado, ou seja, aquelas que são propriedades privadas. Utilizando os dados de áreas particulares certificadas pelo Incra, no Sistema de Gestão Fundiária (Sigef), que são aquelas georreferenciadas e que possuem matrícula registrada no Cartório de Registro de Imóveis, pode-se aferir a oferta atual de áreas para o mercado de compensação de RL analisado. Para a análise da oferta potencial de áreas a serem transacionadas neste mercado, foram utilizadas as áreas dos imóveis particulares cadastrados no Cadastro Ambiental Rural (CAR). Utilizou-se as camadas de dados individuais no formato shapefile dos limites de UCs, do bioma analisado, das terras indígenas, dos assentamentos rurais e os dados de imóveis rurais disponíveis no CAR e no Sigef. As camadas de dados foram processadas individualmente e depois sobrepostas no ambiente de Sistema de Informações Geográficas (SIG). A partir dessa metodologia, foi possível aferir os conflitos entre essas áreas, como as sobreposições de áreas entre si e a quantidade de área sem cadastro. Conclui-se que a contribuição das áreas ofertadas para o mercado de terras para compensação de RL por doação de área de UC de domínio público na consolidação territorial destas UCs, diante da fragilidade da governança de terras do Brasil, principalmente pela insegurança dos direitos de propriedade, será limitada devido à pouca oferta de áreas disponíveis para esse mercado (cerca de 14,59% da área total das UCs analisadas), à existência de áreas cadastradas no CAR que podem ou não constituir propriedades e à imensa área sem cadastro no interior das UCs de domínio público do Cerrado (de 49,55% do total da área). / The New Forestry Code (NFC), instituted by the Law No. 12.651/2012, establishes an environmental policy for the creation of a market for the private properties within public-domain Conservation Units (CUs). This is an alternative for the land regularization of CUs, as well as an attractive mechanism for buying lands at low opportunity cost for owners who need to compensate for their deficits in Legal Reserve areas (LR). The question that guided this work was this: given the weakness of Brazilian land governance, what is the scope of the market creation policy to compensate for the area of rural properties without LR with legally-owned private areas located within the limits of public-domain CUs, instituted by the NFC in the Cerrado biome? Evidences showed that the occupation of this biome (with large properties focused on monoculture farming, accelerated advancement of the agricultural frontier and, consequently, increase of land value) makes the compensation of LR in these areas, by the mechanism analyzed, very attractive economically. Since the cost of opportunity of the other possibility (to restore the areas with deficient LR) is high due to keeping them with native vegetation versus the value of agricultural production in the property, vis-à-vis the low land values of these CUs. This work is based on the theoretical discussion on environmental policy and land governance and aims to systematize a methodology that allows for the identification of the number of areas within the CUs which can be marketed as stated above, that is, which are private properties. Using the data from private areas certified by Incra in their Land Management System (Sigef), which are georeferenced lands and which are legally filed in the Land Registry, it is possible to assess the current availability of areas for the LR compensation market that is analyzed. For the analysis of the potential supply of areas to be negotiated in this market, the areas of private properties registered in the Rural Environmental Register (RER) were used. Individual data layers in shapefile format on the following content were used: the limits of CUs, the analyzed biome, indigenous lands, rural settlements and the data on rural properties available in the RER and Sigef. The data layers were processed individually and then overlapped on the Geographic Information System (GIS) environment. From this methodology, it was possible to assess the conflicts between these areas, such as overlapping of lands and the amount of areas without registration. It was concluded that the contribution of the areas offered to the land market for the compensation of LR by donation of public domain CU areas in the territorial consolidation of these CUs, in view of the fragility of Brazil\'s land governance, mainly due to the uncertainty of property rights, will be limited due to the little supply of available areas for this market (about 14.59% of the total area of the CUs analyzed), the existence of areas registered in the RER that may or might not constitute properties and the immense area without registration inside the public domain CUs of the Cerrado biome (49.55% of the total).

Cette thèse de doctorat en géographie sociale et politique analyse les jeux d’acteurs dans la gouvernance foncière au Cameroun à l’aune des affectations foncières à des fins agro-industrielles qui y prévalent et qui ont pris des proportions ces dernières années suite à la politique économique axée sur l’attractivité des investissements directs étrangers adoptée par les autorités camerounaises dans la perspective du développement. Cette situation a fondamentalement induit une intensification des investissements dans le domaine de l’exploitation des ressources naturelles et spécifiquement de la ressource foncière. Ce qui n’a pas manqué d’attirer l’attention des médias et Ong tant locaux qu’internationaux qui accusent d’accaparement des terres les firmes agricoles étrangères qui y sont actives. Eu égard à ces griefs, le but de cette étude est d’apporter des éléments de clarification sur la situation qui y prévaut vraiment. Car, même si les compagnies agricoles étrangères ayant acquis ou sollicitant des terres au Cameroun ne sont pas vertueuses ; se focaliser sur elles comme étant les princes de la turpitude alors que les acteurs étatiques locaux en charge des politiques publiques en matières foncière seraient, par nature, des parangons de vertu n’est pas la bonne approche. Cette étude trouve son fondement dans le fait que plusieurs catégories d’acteurs aux intérêts divers et variés structurent l’écosystème des transactions foncières agro-industrielles au Cameroun. / This doctoral dissertation in social and political geography analyzes the actors' play in land governance in Cameroon in the light of the land uses for agro-industrial purposes that prevail and which have taken proportions in recent years following the policy economic policy focusing on the attractiveness of foreign direct investment adopted by the Cameroonian authorities in the perspective of development. This situation has fundamentally led to an intensification of investments in the field of exploitation of natural resources and specifically land resources. This has not failed to attract the attention of both local and international media and NGOs who accuse foreign agribusinesses active in the country of land grabbing. In view of these grievances, the purpose of this study is to provide clarification on the situation that really prevails. For, even if foreign agricultural companies having acquired or soliciting lands in Cameroon are not virtuous; to focus on them as princes of turpitude, while local state actors in charge of public land policies would be, by nature, paragons of virtue is not the right approach. This study is based on the fact that several categories of actors with diverse and varied interests structure the agro-industrial land transactions ecosystem in Cameroon.

Die Studie erforscht institutionalle Arrangements, die auf eine Privatisierung des Agrarlands in der Republik Georgien abzielen, deren Formalisierung der Eigentumsrechte den letzten Schritt der Agrarreformen darstellen, und speziell, wie sich die Durchsetzung des Rechts auf Privateigentum entwickelt hat. Laut Schätzungen ist bisher nur ca. ein Drittel des Landes registriert. Das Ziel der Analyse dient dem Verständnis, wie sich politische Reformen, die eine Privatisierung des Agrarlands beabsichtigen, auf den Landbesitz allgemein und die Agrarproduktion im Besonderen auswirken. Anhand von zwei der führenden landwirtschaftlichen Exportprodukte – Haselnuss und Wein –, verfolgt die Studie methodologisch einen abduktiven Forschungsansatz, der von Triangulation geleitet ist. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf einer Umfrage, Fokusgruppen-Interviews mit Agrarproduzenten sowie Interviews mit Leitern verarbeitender Betriebe, Repräsentanten der Regierung sowie Experten. Die Ergebnisse zeigen einerseits, dass Nutzungs- und später Eigentumsrechte konstant kraft einer ‚property rule’ durchgesetzt wurden, und somit einen Status quo gesichert haben, der besonders die Mitglieder ehemaliger einflussreicher (lokaler) Regierungskreise begünstigt hat; demgegenüber haben die Reformen kontinuierlich Unsicherheit unter der Landbevölkerung erzeugt – indem die Durchsetzung privater Eigentumsrechte von einer ‚property rule’ hin zu einer ‚liability rule’ verändert worden ist –, während die erforderlichen Kosten zur (Wieder-)Erlangung der Besitzansprüche zunehmend den ehemaligen Rechtsinhabern aufgebürdet worden ist. Die Ergebnisse lassen eine potentielle Umverteilung in Form konzentrierten Landbesitzes vermuten, während die Mehrheit der Betriebe künftig auf die Durchsetzung von Landnutzungsrechten vertrauen darf, um ihre Subsistenzwirtschaft fortzuführen. / This study focuses on the institutional change of agricultural land privatization in the Republic of Georgia, where the formalization of private property rights forms the last step of the agrarian land reforms, and specifically how people’s entitle-ment to land has been protected over time. It is estimated that so far only about a third of the land has been registered. The aim of the analysis is to understand how political reforms targeting land privatization have affected land ownership, and to show the effects on agricultural production. By focussing on two leading export products of Georgian agriculture – hazelnut and wine – the study methodologi-cally follows an abductive research strategy led by the principles of triangulation. It is based on survey data, focus groups interviews with agrarian producers as well as interviews with processors, government representatives and experts. The results reveal, on the one hand, that by constantly enforcing use and then owner-ship rights according to a property rule maintained a status-quo which has mainly favored former influential (local) government circles; in contrast, the reforms have persistently generated insecurity to rural neighborhoods – by changing the enforcement of people’s private ownership rights from a property rule to a liabil-ity rule –, while the emerging costs to (re-)claim ownership were increasingly shifted to the former right holders who can hardly raise the required financial means. The results suggest a re-distribution of land in the form of a rising concen-tration of land ownership, while the majority of agricultural producers may rely on the granting of use-rights to proceed with their subsistence farming in the fu-ture.

Die Studie erforscht institutionalle Arrangements, die auf eine Privatisierung des Agrarlands in der Republik Georgien abzielen, deren Formalisierung der Eigentumsrechte den letzten Schritt der Agrarreformen darstellen, und speziell, wie sich die Durchsetzung des Rechts auf Privateigentum entwickelt hat. Laut Schätzungen ist bisher nur ca. ein Drittel des Landes registriert. Das Ziel der Analyse dient dem Verständnis, wie sich politische Reformen, die eine Privatisierung des Agrarlands beabsichtigen, auf den Landbesitz allgemein und die Agrarproduktion im Besonderen auswirken. Anhand von zwei der führenden landwirtschaftlichen Exportprodukte – Haselnuss und Wein –, verfolgt die Studie methodologisch einen abduktiven Forschungsansatz, der von Triangulation geleitet ist. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf einer Umfrage, Fokusgruppen-Interviews mit Agrarproduzenten sowie Interviews mit Leitern verarbeitender Betriebe, Repräsentanten der Regierung sowie Experten. Die Ergebnisse zeigen einerseits, dass Nutzungs- und später Eigentumsrechte konstant kraft einer ‚property rule’ durchgesetzt wurden, und somit einen Status quo gesichert haben, der besonders die Mitglieder ehemaliger einflussreicher (lokaler) Regierungskreise begünstigt hat; demgegenüber haben die Reformen kontinuierlich Unsicherheit unter der Landbevölkerung erzeugt – indem die Durchsetzung privater Eigentumsrechte von einer ‚property rule’ hin zu einer ‚liability rule’ verändert worden ist –, während die erforderlichen Kosten zur (Wieder-)Erlangung der Besitzansprüche zunehmend den ehemaligen Rechtsinhabern aufgebürdet worden ist. Die Ergebnisse lassen eine potentielle Umverteilung in Form konzentrierten Landbesitzes vermuten, während die Mehrheit der Betriebe künftig auf die Durchsetzung von Landnutzungsrechten vertrauen darf, um ihre Subsistenzwirtschaft fortzuführen. / This study focuses on the institutional change of agricultural land privatization in the Republic of Georgia, where the formalization of private property rights forms the last step of the agrarian land reforms, and specifically how people’s entitle-ment to land has been protected over time. It is estimated that so far only about a third of the land has been registered. The aim of the analysis is to understand how political reforms targeting land privatization have affected land ownership, and to show the effects on agricultural production. By focussing on two leading export products of Georgian agriculture – hazelnut and wine – the study methodologi-cally follows an abductive research strategy led by the principles of triangulation. It is based on survey data, focus groups interviews with agrarian producers as well as interviews with processors, government representatives and experts. The results reveal, on the one hand, that by constantly enforcing use and then owner-ship rights according to a property rule maintained a status-quo which has mainly favored former influential (local) government circles; in contrast, the reforms have persistently generated insecurity to rural neighborhoods – by changing the enforcement of people’s private ownership rights from a property rule to a liabil-ity rule –, while the emerging costs to (re-)claim ownership were increasingly shifted to the former right holders who can hardly raise the required financial means. The results suggest a re-distribution of land in the form of a rising concen-tration of land ownership, while the majority of agricultural producers may rely on the granting of use-rights to proceed with their subsistence farming in the fu-ture.