Based on two years of multi-sited ethnographic research, the dissertation investigates Garifuna struggles over racial and cultural identity and land rights against the backdrop of neoliberal tourism development on the Caribbean coast of Honduras. Garifuna are descended from Africans and the Carib Indians of St. Vincent; they are a transnational people with roots in Honduras, Nicaragua, Belize, Guatemala and several cities in the United States. The dissertation examines the conditions under which some Garifuna embrace the opportunities offered through state-backed tourism projects and explores why others reject tourism development altogether, choosing instead, to assign greater priority to autonomy and territorial rights. Garifuna who oppose state-sanctioned tourism projects are positioned as adversaries of the state who are incapable of harnessing the power of development and, in turn, barred from traditional channels of participation. In this vein, the development apparatus delivers land rights activists a double bind—Garifuna culture is a commodity necessary for the growth of the national tourism industry, but not a basis for expansive rights. Finally, the dissertation analyzes the ethical debates that animate Garifuna land politics in the struggle to wrest authority from the state and local entrepreneurs over the processes of development. Garifuna cultural traits that tend toward the collectivistic, toward the valorization of ancestral practices, or toward the autonomous development of their communities are defined as culturally “conservative.” I argue Garifuna culture is commodified in accordance with the racial structuration of Honduran society, which has deep effects at the community level, resulting in fragmentation and dispossession. This work sheds light on the everyday politics of autonomy in Triunfo de la Cruz—a Garifuna village situated on the white-sand beaches of Tela Bay—and reveals how notions of communal belonging are defined through processes of political struggle. / text

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:01:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Augusto de Andrade Neto.pdf: 21242817 bytes, checksum: a3d9b3b31212df111008f7a7689b5168 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-02 / This work consists basically in a case study made with the families from Pitoró dos Pretos, a community that defines itself as a comunidade remanescente de quilombos, from the municipality of Peritoró, at the region called Médio Mearim of Maranhão estate. We tried to develop the social dynamics that configured a faccional disruption inside the group. The official actions executed by agents of the official establishment in land reform processes and quilombolas territorial regularization are taken as object of analysis and questioned in their fundaments. We identified several social agents and social organizations whom established alliances with the members of Pitoró dos Pretos all along a process of land conflict in the nineteen s. Utilizing oral memory methods of research, we reconstructed the land struggle history which Pitoró dos Pretos families lived, known as o tempo da greve. The workers were annually submitted to the payment of a rent price for the owner of the land, by offering part of the food genres produced by their families. After a year characterized by the lack of rain, they have lost their agriculture production and could not pay it. This was the turning point where from started a movement with the participation of a lot of families from three different villages named Pitoró, Resfriado e Precateira, united by the objective of getting rid with the economical and political subordination to the land owner. Based upon this case study we intend to put in evidence the fact that communities whom members are self-defined as quilombolas are characterized by an ethnical identity that lies bellow the public assumption as comunidades remanescentes de quilombos, which is utilized for interlocutions with external agents and Nation-State officers. They are not an innovation provided by the institution of the 68 article from the ADCT part of the Brazilian Federal Constitution. The case of Pitoró dos Pretos is a demonstration of this proposition: the land struggle process lived by the group happened before the existence of the constitutional article. We understand that is figures as a situation similar as so many others found not just at Maranhão state, but also in other places of the national territory. Their common trace is a continued territorial resistance, despite of the marginal position occupied by this groups inside the juridical establishment and even against it. / Este trabalho consiste basicamente num estudo de caso realizado junto às famílias de Pitoró dos Pretos, uma autodefinida comunidade remanescente de quilombos do município de Peritoró, Região dos Cocais, região do Médio Mearim, Maranhão. Por meio de pesquisas sobre a memória oral do grupo, reconstituímos o desenrolar do conflito fundiário protagonizado pelas famílias de Pitoró dos Pretos, que ficou conhecido como o tempo da greve. Os trabalhadores eram então submetidos ao pagamento anual do aluguel da terra para um proprietário, por meio da oferta de parte dos gêneros alimentícios produzidos por suas famílias. Após uma grave estiagem, perderam suas colheitas e não conseguiram realizar o pagamento. Esse foi o estopim que deu início a um movimento envolvendo grande parte das famílias de três diferentes povoados chamados Pitoró, Resfriado e Precateira, unidas pelo objetivo de se livrarem da subordinação econômica e política ao mandato do proprietário. Tentamos desvelar as dinâmicas sociais responsáveis por configurar uma disputa entre facções no seio do grupo social. As ações oficiais realizadas pelo Poder Público em processos de reforma agrária e regularização de territórios quilombolas são investigadas e postas em questão. Identificamos ainda os diversos agentes sociais e organizações da sociedade civil que estabeleceram alianças com os membros da comunidade ao longo do processo de luta pela terra nos anos noventa. A partir deste estudo de caso pretendemos pôr em evidência o fato de que as comunidades autodefinidas como quilombolas possuem uma identidade étnica que é anterior à assunção pública como quilombolas, a qual é acionada para fins de interlocução com agentes externos e representantes do Estado-nação. Não constituem, portanto, um produto oriundo da instituição do Artigo 68 do ADCT da Constituição Federal. O caso de Pitoró dos Pretos pode ser lido como uma demonstração dessa proposição: a luta pela terra protagonizada pelo grupo é anterior à existência do dispositivo constitucional. Entendemos tratar-se de uma situação semelhante a diversas outras encontradas não apenas no estado do Maranhão, mas em todo o Brasil, nas quais o traço comum é a contínua resistência dos grupos em seus territórios, ainda que à margem do ordenamento jurídico e mesmo contra este.

中國做為一個崛起的東亞大國，對於建立自己的高科技產業與自主創新能力的急起直追也經歷了許多轉變的過程，這些演變體現在中央領導的科技政策與區域建設的創新系統上。自1988年的北京市新技術產業開發試驗區以來，從沿海到內陸所設置的大大小小的科技園區，在在說明了中國希望藉由這種模式追求創新集群的效益。然而本研究中的北京中關村做為中國的高科技產業龍頭，其空間發展出現了有別於其他東亞後進國家中科技園區的分散樣貌。這樣的空間樣貌乃基於地方治理結構的特殊性，演化出各個分散在北京市下不同市轄區的園區都被稱為中關村科學園區、都各自建立起華麗而昂貴的辦公大樓、研發中心之現象。 本研究欲透過回顧中國的科技產業政策以及地方治理模式的轉變，來說明這樣的分散樣貌，是源自於中國在改革開放後的地方治理權責下放導致北京市轄下的各區縣都採用了一種近似於滾動開發的模式來大興土木以追求快速的成長的情況。換言之，在中關村，土地開發帶來的多階段收入在地方政府的眼中的重要性幾乎超越了對創新能力的追求。本研究將以上述脈絡為主旨，深入探討中國在全球化的壓力以及治理結構轉型過程的拉扯下，致使中關村的發展進入到一種看似快速但卻相當矛盾的情結當中，並進而勾勒出現今中關村的空間樣貌。 / China has been trying to catch up with the Western world since its economic reform. In the process, China imitated the successful experience of Silicon Valley in the U.S. and trying to establish special science parks to speed up technological upgrading and innovation. Beijing’s Experimental Zone for Developing New- Technology Industries, which later was named Zhongguancun(ZGC), was the first one following this policy and proven to be the most successful one in China. However, the prosperity of ZGC or any other science park in China does come with a price. There is a lot of problems raised referring to the highly growing land price such as the overwhelming high rent has affected smaller innovative enterprises to survive in Beijing. The thesis tries to discuss the production of space in Beijing’s ZGC through two theoretical views: The Innovation Theory and The Growth Machine Theory. This thesis argues that there are two different forces which have driven ZGC to its status today. The first is China’s overall goal of economic catching up strategy that gives ZGC the legitimacy to develop and grow with relatively greater freedom from existing regulations. The second is Beijing’s various district governments’ strategy in using the construction of science parks as a site to generate economic development. This thesis argues that China’s tax reformation in 1994 has reinforced the importance of land politics to a higher level, through which the development of real estate sector of ZGC has played an important role for the creation of an innovation cluster. As a result, the local government, together with its land politics, eventually plays the leading role in ZGC’s production of space and makes the best use of ZGC’s shining brand.

環境惡化與經濟下行的壓力，讓中國各級政府必須尋求一條有別於過去的集約、創新、綠色的發展道路。在這種背景下，類似新能源汽車等兼具節能環保、產業轉型的一批戰略性新興產業開始興起；而地方在承接與發展這些產業時，則傾向於將產業的發展同地方的城市化相結合，採行「以產業為動力，以新城為依託，以生態為源泉」的產城融合模式。 本文通過實地田野調查對上海市嘉定區發展新能源汽車產業的案例進行研究並認為：地方政府為了應對外部發展環境的變化，選擇「把握發展主動權」引入新能源汽車產業，但其實質為把握地方不變的關鍵性資源，即土地開發權。憑藉新能源汽車所帶來的產業不確定性與「綠色共識」下發展正當性的橋接，地方政府獲得了更大的行為自主性與容錯空間，得以透過產業基地與國際示範區的建立帶動地方整體的空間轉型，進而謀取短期的土地開發利益；但產業發展的長期目標卻在這樣的過程中被推遲乃至消解。經由以上案例，本研究將揭示「產城融合」「城」大於「產」之本質，並深入討論綠色發展成為主流論述之下中國地方發展模式的轉變。 / Under the pressure of environmental deterioration and economic downturn, Chinese government have to seek to find a more intensified, innovative and environmental friendly (green) path to development, which differs from the inherent one. As a result, strategic emerging industries like New Energy Vehicles (NEVs) that bear the target of energy saving, environmental protection and industrial transformation start rising. For local governments who take main responsibility of acting, the way how they implement is to combine the industrial development with local urbanization process, which could be called as City-Industry Integration Model. This paper research the development of New Energy Vehicles in Jiading District, Shanghai Municipality and argues that in order to adapt to the changes of external conditions, local government chooses to “grasp the developmental initiative” to introduce the NEVs industry. However, the essence of the action is to grasp the changeless local key resources, which is the land development rights. Rely on the industrial uncertainty and the bridging of developmental legitimacy under Green Consensus, more autonomy and fault-tolerant space has been obtained by local government. Moreover, local officials could implement spatial transformation through the construction of industrial base and international demonstration area, and then gain short-term land development interests, which is in the cost of long-standing goal of industry booming. Overall, this research would reveal the fact that urbanization occupies a larger proportion than industrial development in the City-Industry Integration Model, and discuss the transformation of local developmental model in China under the new mainstream discourse of sustainable development.