Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of Social Work in Community Work at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2000. / The history of South Africa is the history of conquest, dispossession, forced removals, unjust policies, detribalization and poverty. Development , on the land was seen as a prerogative of the White minority. Underdevelopment, on the other hand was considered a natural state for the overwhelming black majority class. This conflict relationship formed the foundation of the South African Society's social system over years. Order in the society meant the ability to sustain a status quo of the social system. Land has,in all respects, been the borne of contention. It is arguable that land has had a determinant role in the nature of the South African state and politics. The land redistribution programme will either improve these class antagonism or legitimase them. It pivotes upon the context under which the land redistribution is carried out and by whom it is being driven. The land redistribution programme needs to be Afrocentric in paradigm and Africans themselves need to drive the course of their own development. There are things which may be of value to Africans and which land redistribution programme, unless driven by themselves , may be found insignificant. For an example, African organization structures in rural areas are very important for self identity. Unless the land redistribution programme recognizes these problems and challenges, there will be a moving equilibrium or status quo with regard to social change. There will be apartheid order within a democratic social system. The land set aside for settlement under the new order will still resemble the then bantustan, and black sport lands.

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Community Work in the Department of Social Work at the The University of Zululand, South Africa, 2009. / The study investigated the poverty alleviation involving Land Reform Program (LRAD) Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development at Nhlahlayethu Farm (Umkhanyakude District). Besides land that has been taken back from White farmers and given to Black people; very little has been done to show the difference in poverty alleviation. Observations indicate that agricultural activity in land reform projects (LRAD- Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development) decrease significantly on land that was commercially viable under previous management. Large numbers of people presently own land that was initially owned by one person. Therefore, the first aim of the study was to investigate challenges and opportunities of land reform projects. The second aim of the study was to determine the general perspectives of the target farmers on agricultural farming. The third objective of the study was to investigate the general causes of non- functionality of land reform projects. The fourth objective of the study was to investigate how the whole group of farmers could work the farm up to its full potential and to determine how the Department of Land Affairs and Agriculture, could collaborate to improve development efforts towards sustainable land reform projects. The findings revealed that farmers experience a lot of challenges caused by the lack of funds and farming equipment after the land has been transferred. This ends up making the program of land reform not fully effective in alleviating poverty. Positive perspective of farmers towards farming is hindered by the lack of' farming management skills accompanied by the rate of illiteracy. Policies between the Department of Agriculture and Land Affairs need to be aligned so that after transferring the farm to beneficiaries, resources are available for supporting the target farmers. On the basis of the findings of this study, recommendations to the Land Reform Program (LRAD- Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development) as well as for directing future research were made.

Student Number : 0006374W - MA research report - School of Sociology - Faculty of Humanities / The principal aims of the study were to evaluate the objectives, achievements and limits of the South African land redistribution programme as from 1994-2005. This study placed particular emphasis on evaluating the period commencing in 1999 until 2005 since this period is credited for formally aligning Land redistribution with broader objectives of Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE). As a result of the aforementioned this study also aimed to evaluate the extent to which the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) reflects the broader objective, vision and aspirations of BBBEE and Agri-BEE. The latter analysis was based on an LRAD case study called Calcom PTY LTD in Barberton; Mpumalanga, South Africa. To extrapolate the data required for the attainment of the aims of the study, a qualitative research strategy which was based on a case study approach was utilised. This culminated in the choice of Calcom which is an LRAD project in order to further the analysis of the study. This enabled the study to develop a conceptual account of policy developments in the post-1999 period which saw BBBEE becoming a permanent feature of the South African land redistribution programme. Consequently a number of theories were used to account for changes that were made in the post-1999 period, namely the Neo-Classical, radical political economy, conceptual approaches to policy making and theories of development. This study argues that these changes are important for facilitating land redistribution to black people. However, without ensuring the availability of basic prerequisites for the emergence of black commercial farmers, such as skills developments, infrastructural support services, postsettlement support and access to finance and credit; the achievements and bias of LRAD towards black commercial farmers in theory will not have any impact on the broader vision of deracialising the Agri-economy in practice. Instead it will exclude the majority of poor black South Africans it ought to help, while empowering a few well resourced South Africans.

Thesis (M. Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 2013 / Recent changes in the allocation of land through the results of land redistribution have compelled members of communities to form committees, that is, Communal Property Associations (CPAs) that would be responsible for managing the claimed land. The Maruleng Local Municipality was not excluded from this process. Five of the CPAs have been formed under the above mentioned municipality to manage claimed land. The research investigated the impact of performance management on the Moletele CPA’s performance at Maruleng Local Municipality of the Limpopo Province. The management of Moletele CPA was not without challenges, problems such as lack of resources, adequate training programmes, lack of clear policy and objectives were also found in the study. This research also seeks to investigate why Moletele CPA is performing better than the other CPAs in the municipality. In order to understand the total context of the challenges faced by Moletele CPA, an empirical research and interviews were conducted to collect data from the members of Moletele CPA. The findings of the study suggest that a lack of resources and relevant training programmes are contributing negatively towards the performance of the Moletele CPA in particular, and other CPAs in general. To conclude, the study revealed that performance management is not determined by one factor, but other challenges such as clarity of policies and cooperation amongst stakeholders also contribute towards the success of the Moletele CPA ;hence the recommendations made in chapter five.

Thesis (MBA.) --University of Limpopo, 2008 / Land reform is divided into three sub-programmes, which are redistribution programmes, restitution and tenure reform. The redistribution programme consists of Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development settlement and non-agricultural enterprises. Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme was established to redress the imbalances of land owners aroused from the previous government and its policies. A person who qualifies to purchase farms through the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme is a previously disadvantaged person, that is, an African, Coloured and Indian. If a person belongs to a previously disadvantaged group and that particular person works for the government he/she does not qualify to be funded by the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development programme. The National Department of Agriculture introduced a new programme called the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme. The primary aim of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme is to make provision for agricultural support to targeted beneficiaries of the land reform and agrarian reform programme. This dissertation proposed an investigation of the success factors of Comprehensive agricultural Support programme on the farms allocated under the Land redistribution for Agricultural Development in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province. The objectives of study were: i. To determine factors influencing the success of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme projects on farms allocated under the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development farms ii. To suggest recommendations for the improvement of the implementation of the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme. iv A case study approach was used to investigate the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme funded projects. Personal interview questions were posed to participants who were the farmers who receiving the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme grant and managers who were managing the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development farms. Open-ended questionnaires were used to collect data and four farms allocated under Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development funded by the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme and four municipal managers in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province were interviewed. The qualitative approach was used to process the data The chapter layouts of this research are as follows: Chapter 1: Problem Statement, Aims and Objectives of the Study, Chapter 2: Literature Survey, Chapter 3: Research Design, Chapter 4: Analysis of Data and Interpretation, and Chapter 5: Recommendations and Conclusion. The analysis of the data revealed that Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme is a success on the farms allocated under the Land redistribution for Agricultural Development in the Waterberg District of the Limpopo Province.

Thesis (M.Dev.) --University of Limpopo, 2012

Magister Philosophiae (Land and Agrarian Studies) - MPhil(LAS) / Land reform in South Africa emerged as one of the important policies for reconciliation, reconstruction and development of the country after years of racial segregation. Its implementation has been three-fold i.e. land restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The initial sub-programmes of land redistribution i.e. Settlement Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) and Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) have been confronted with numerous challenges and they have been criticised for influencing group owned projects due to their grant funding models. SLAG required beneficiaries to qualify as households and its failure to date has been largely attributed to unresolved conflicts amongst group members. Under LRAD, although beneficiaries qualified as individuals, the number of grants continued to be challenged by the increasing land prices, and as a result, group-owned projects continued to be created to match the land prices. Both models were demand-driven under the ‘willing buyer, willing seller’ principle. In 2006, government introduced a new model called the Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS) which is a ‘supply-driven’ model but operating within the ‘willing buyer, willing seller’ principle. The structural changes introduced in 2010 placed PLAS as the sole land acquisition model under land redistribution. This research investigates the manner in which the implementation of this model assisted to resolve the gaps identified in its predecessors and the reasons thereof. Additionally, the research also investigates characteristics which persisted throughout and why such features persisted. The policy shift from a ‘demand-driven’ to a ‘supply-driven’ model has brought changes in terms of planning, implementation and resource mobilization. To achieve this, the researcher identified three cases where indepth research was conducted, and interviewed key roles placers from the national and provincial departments, and the local municipality. A questionnaire and semi-structures interviews were used to collect the data.

The current Government of South Africa faces many challenges emanating from the legacy of the policies of the pre-1994 apartheid era and the earlier periods. One of these challenges is the skewed distribution of agricultural land, in favour of White commercial farmers. In 1995, the current democratic government, in an attempt to redress this historical imbalance in terms of ownership of agricultural land, introduced a land policy for South Africa. The policy is anchored to three programmes, namely land restitution, land redistribution and tenure reform. In terms of land redistribution, the Government set a target to redistribute 30% of White-owned agricultural land to historically disadvantaged individuals by March 2014. The land redistribution programme was designed for the state to play a major role in the administration of the programme. The programme was also structured to recognise the complementary roles played by the national Department of Agriculture (DOA) and provincial departments of agriculture, the Department of Land Affairs (DLA) and its Provincial Land Reform Offices (PLROs), the municipalities and the Land Bank, in policy administration. Due to the fact that the Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG) programme, by the end of 2000, failed to deliver the number of hectares that would meet the land redistribution target for the remaining years up until March 2014, it was abolished. In its place, the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) programme was introduced in 2001. It was anticipated by the Government that the LRAD programme will fast track the redistribution of White-owned agricultural land to Black farmers. Because administrative processes are as important as policy outcomes, it is important to examine the administrative aspects impacting on the LRAD programme, given the prominent role played by the state in the administration of the programme. The research thus focused on establishing the extent to which the administration of the LRAD programme enables the Government to achieve its land redistribution goals and objectives. The LRAD programme is not on course to meet the land redistribution target set for 2014. The North West Province in particular has been transferring White-owned agricultural land on an annual basis at an average of 13% of what it should if its target of the 30% of White-owned agricultural land to be redistributed is to be met by March 2014. Among the critical factors impacting on successful administration of the LRAD programme in the North West Province is policy integration. The White Paper on Land Policy (1995) recognises that the success of the land reform programme does not depend only on access to land, but also on the achievement of other instrumental objectives, namely the provision of integrated government policy with respect to support services, infrastructural and other development programmes; and the development of an effective and accessible institutional framework for service delivery, characterised by a strong partnership between national, provincial and local spheres of government. Data was collected through structured interviews from key respondents, namely deputy-directors in the department of Agriculture, Conservation, and Environment (the DACE) and the North West Provincial Land Reform Office (the NWPLRO), as well as from the chief director for the NWPLRO. Methodological, participant and interdisciplinary triangulation was applied during data collection and analysis. There was ineffective integration of policies, programmes, systems, and procedures between the DACE and the NWPLRO, which undermined the administration of the LRAD programme in the North West Province. In addition, the DACE in particular suffered from administrative incapacity. This was in part due to the nature of the governance regime pertaining to LRAD programme administration. This situation was also affected by the administration of the Government policy generally, the most important of which was the intergovernmental relations, which imposed limits in terms of allocation of financial resources. The administrative incapacity also undermined the endeavour to collaborate as far as LRAD programme administration was concerned. This negatively impacted mostly on the planning phase, as a result of shortage of critical personnel. In order to effect effective administration of the LRAD programme, it is recommended as follows: <ul><li> the budget allocation for the LRAD programme should be increased; </li><li> the administrative capacity of the DACE and the NWPLRO should be increased; </li><li> the systems and procedures for administering the LRAD and CASP programmes should be aligned; and</li><li> the alignment of administrative systems and procedures should become one of the integral factors for measuring and rewarding performance of senior public service managers in institutions administering the programme. </li></ul> / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA) / unrestricted

In 1996, the South African government embarked on a process of land reform. The land reform programme has been driven by three pillars, namely: (i) Land Restitution, (ii) Land Tenure Reform and (iii) Land Redistribution. The two first pillars of land reform, as well as the first sub-programme (The SLAG) of the Land Redistribution programme delivered disappointing results. By December 2004, eight years since the programme was introduced, land reform had only transferred an area of 3.4% of white commercial agricultural land to Blacks, against a set target of 30% by 2014. Other disappointing results include: <ul> <li> Over-congestion of crowds on small sections of land</li> <li> Providing cash compensation as opposed to land itself</li> <li> Failure to ensure productivity among transferred farms</li> </ul> In 2001, Government introduced a new sub-programme under the Redistribution programme, called Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD). This programme was regarded as a flagship programme for the DLA; firstly for its flexible funding structure; secondly, for its focus on commercially orientated agricultural projects; and thirdly, for its perceived capacity to transfer land at a higher pace. Although the LRAD belonged to the Department of Land Affairs (now called the Department of Rural Development and Land Affair), in the initial stage of the programme, three institutions became involved in its implementation, namely: The Land and Agricultural Development of South Africa (referred to as the Land Bank), the provincial departments of Land Affairs, as well as the provincial departments of Agriculture. Just four years after its inception the LRAD programme received negative media coverage and this included the following: <ul> <li> The collapse and failure of some of LRAD projects;</li> <li> Lack of productivity among some of the already transferred LRAD projects;</li> <li> Conflict among LRAD beneficiaries, leading to the squandering and misappropriation of government resources on farms; <li> Problems of budget deficit; and the</li> <li> Collapse of the relationship between the Land Bank and the DLA.</li> </ul> The above signalled potential elements of failure on the part of LRAD programme. There is, however, a reality that the reasons for failure are not well-understood and that a study to analyse this in detail could assist in streamlining the delivery of this programme. The objectives of the study are threefold: <ul> <li> Firstly; as in line with the objectives of LRAD, to investigate if the already transferred LRAD farms are productive;</li> <li> Secondly; to establish the factors hampering productivity on the transferred farms; and</li> <li> Thirdly; by using the initial involvement of the Land Bank as a control, to assess if LRAD is well-placed within the DLA.</li> </ul> Two sets of methodologies have been used. The first method involved collecting files and records from the DLA and the Land Bank, and performing financial and descriptive analyses on LRAD beneficiaries. In the second approach, a survey was conducted among a sample of transferred LRAD farms, in order to assess the level of productivity on the farms, as well as to interview beneficiaries with regard to the challenges they are facing on the farms. The study established the main factors hampering productivity on the farms. Although many factors have been cited as factors hampering productivity, beneficiaries listed the following as the three most important factors hampering productivity on the farms: <ul> <li> Insufficient or no tractors and implements (16 projects out of 37, constituting 43%)</li> <li> Conflict among members (12 projects, 32%)</li> <li> Poor coordination between the DLA and the Land Bank (19 projects, 51%)</li> </ul> Comparison between the Land Bank and the DLA clients, points out that those of the Land Bank are performing better than those of the DLA. Financial and descriptive analysis carried out among 308 LRAD cases identified the Land Bank loan as an important proportion of funding towards the purchase of land. LRAD in its current institutional design (structure and policy) is not suitable for the poor. The objectives of the LRAD programme are too many where a significant number of them appear irrelevant. These objectives should be reviewed. While the DLA does not have the right capacity (experienced personnel, ITC systems for monitoring and evaluations, infrastructure etc) to run with LRAD, the Land Bank has been found to be unsuitable as its policies discriminates against the poor. Both the policies (selection and qualifying criteria, early and after care institutional support, own contribution and security, etc.) and implementation strategies of the Land Bank and the DLA must be reviewed to reflect a strategic intend that is geared towards sustaining agricultural development among black emerging farmers in South Africa. / Dissertation (MInstAgrar)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development / unrestricted

After 1994, the South African government prioritized land reform as a strategy for development in order to redress the legacy of apartheid, while contributing to national reconciliation, growth and development. The government with endless persuasion from gender activists, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and interested individuals acknowledged the crucial role that women could play in transforming its society. As a commitment to gender equity, it ratified various international conventions and national declarations, including in 1995, the United Nations on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Subsequently, a variety of institutions and gender divisions (units) in the country were established to advise, monitor and implement gender mainstreaming programs within government departments, NGOs and parliamentary structures. These include amongst othersthe Office of the Status on Women (OSW), The Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and gender focal points. In 1995, a delegation of South African women led by politicians participated in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. In response to this report, the Department of Land Affairs (DLA), together with other government departments, committed itself “to take legislative and administrative measures to give men and women equal rights to economic resources, including access to ownership and control over land and other properties, credit facilities, natural resources and appropriate supporting technology” (DLA, 1997:18). Despite these commitments, the South African government in general and the land sector in particular was criticised for contradicting its intentions. These were evident in policy development processes. An example widely documented was the controversies and compromises which were made by the ANC led government during the development of the Communal Land Rights Act of 2004 (Walker, 2005; Hassim, 2005; Claassens 2003). In addition, the land policies, including the DLA Gender Policy, have been widely criticised by several researchers (Hall, 1996; Mann, 1999; Walker, 2002; Claassens, 2005). The common trend was the scepticism of whether these policies would achieve their intended gender equity goals. Amongst others, weaknesses of these polices were the poor conceptualisation of gender and the lack of clarity on the government’s 2 gender equity intentions and outcomes. These would make it difficult to translate policies into practice. This study investigates whether these assertions are valid. The focus of the research is the analysis of the Land Redistribution for Agricultural Development (LRAD) Programme which was established in 2001. Using a project located in Mpumalanga Province, called the Mathebula Communal Property Association, the study evaluates the implementation of this programme. The project is located near Rock’s Drift in the Mbombela Municipality about 6 kilometers from White River on the White River- Nelspruit road (R40). It is amongst the first projects to be administered by the provincial DLA, under the new LRAD programme. This property was used for chicken and smallscale pig farming. The location of the project is of significance because the Mpumalanga province is amongst the most rural poverty stricken provinces in South Africa with a population of approximately 3 million. According to May (2000: 22), about 45% of the individuals in this province are living in poverty. The study was undertaken during the presettlement stages. The main goal was to investigate the DLA commitment to its gender policy through a case study. In addition, it explores the relationship between the primary beneficiary, a rural woman named Aida and the DLA officials during the research period. This is a means to assess whether Aida was empowered through these processes, as per the LRAD policy statements. The study draws its theoretical basis from a Gender Analysis Approach. This analysis recognises in every context that it is relevant to determine the gender-based division of labour and to understand the forces that constrain this division or act to change it. This framework was useful in collecting data tool for this study. The study uses a case study methodology. This research strategy has been chosen because of its ability to offer an “in-depth analysis of a case so as to interpret its unique features and to solicit an understanding of the social arrangements and their existence” (Ragin, 2000:24). The case study approach has shown that without investigating the processes which occur within these projects, the real impact of land reform on the beneficiaries’ lives is far from being realised. The major findings of this research revealed that whilst South Africa has put in place several national legislative frameworks to address gender equity in general, women still struggle to access resources through government systems. Aida, the main driver of this 3 project, experienced 4 years of insurmountable problems whilst trying to acquire a farm she had identified from a willing seller. The research revealed that Aida’s determination to acquire the farm is attributable to her intellectual capabilities, negotiation skills and manipulative tactics, which is contrary to the dominant argument that factors affecting rural women's access to land are dependent on “educational level, age, social status of the family and marital status” (Moser, 1993; Bob, 1994)). In addition, the dynamics within projects often not reflected in policies are very crucial in successful implementation of projects. For instance, in this project, the ‘inactive’ strategy of registered members reduced conflict within the project such that Aida became the sole owner of the project and was able to successfully acquire the farm without any interference from the other members. Overall, a significant contribution of this case study to the SA women’s empowerment theoretical framework is the identification of the external and internal factors, some of which were specific to gender empowerment failures. These include the challenges of targeting women, access to information, lack of accountability on gender as well as the absence of strong social movements. Lastly, the study also revealed unintended outcomes as a result of the lengthy period of the pre-land transfer stage, issues which are normally ignored and undocumented. Studies of land reform (and development) projects in Mpumalanga province and throughout SA have revealed similar findings as outlined through this document. These findings raise key questions that have broader implications for LRAD, and land reform program in general. The study acknowledges that there are examples of women in Mpumalanga province and maybe in other parts of the country who may have had positive experiences through the same program. However, it also confirms findings by earlier studies done by different researchers and thus raises critical questions with regards to the implementation and sustainability of the LRAD projects in South Africa, specifically in the Mpumalanga Province.