Cette etude retrace l'histoire de la production textile equatorienne et guatemalteque de ses origines coloniales jusqu'a la creation d'un premier noyau d'entreprises manufacturieres qui se consolide au debut du XXe siecle. Quoique les caracteristiques de ce secteur different d'un pays a l'autre, un aussi vaste survol nous permet de saisir leur principale similitude, soit d'evoluer sous le signe d'une formidable continuite historique. Cette tendance se consolide des la premiere moitie du XIXe siecle quand s'ebauchent des modeles qui eurent, par la suite, une incidence determinante. Plus qu'une simple phase de transition entre le monde colonial et l'essor du secteur agro-exportateur, il s'agit d'une periode charniere qui assure, non seulement, la survie des formes traditionnelles mais definit, de facon precoce, les caracteristiques des premiers etablissements mecanises. Repondant a une logique singuliere, ces entreprises incorporent une technologie de plus en plus sophistiquee qui sert toutefois a viabiliser les elements herites du passe plutot que d'amorcer une transformation significative des modalites de production. De son cote, la petite production qui continue a jouer un role-cle dans l'approvisionnement textile, represente, dans chacun des pays, une des rares alternatives face aux efforts de destructuration du monde rural mis de l'avant par pratiquement tous les regimes. Ce schema general correspond a des societes ayant conserve intacts plusieurs de leurs caracteristiques coloniales.

Ce travail concerne le role et l'influence d'une serie d'intellectuels haitiens dans la vie publique haitienne, des annees 1885 aux annees 1930. C'est-a-dire des premieres reactions au discredit dont le peuple haitien etait l'objet de la part des etrangers a la fin de l'occupation americaine. On peut regrouper ces intellectuels en trois generations. La methode generationnelle permet de rassembler les ecrivains par groupe d'age autour des memes evenements. Cette procedure a donne la generation de 1885, celle de 1915 et de 1925. Antenor Firmin, Louis Joseph Janvier et Hannibal Price furent de la premiere generation. En 1915, Haiti fut envahie par les Americains. Georges Sylvain et ses collaborateurs organiserent une croisade en Haiti et aux Etats-Unis dans le but de restaurer la souverainete haitienne. Ils formaient une seconde generation. Jacques Roumain et l'equipe de la Revue indigene intensifierent la lutte par la suite jusqu'au retrait des Americains. Ce fut la troisieme generation. Antenor Firmin avait notamment ecrit De l'egalite des races humaines, Hannibal Price De la rehabilitation de la race noire par la republique d'Haiti et Louis Joseph Janvier Les detracteurs de la race noire. A la mort de Georges Sylvain, ses ecrits politiques furent reunis par ses amis dans Dix annees de lutte pour la liberte. Jacques Roumain et ses camarades animaient La Trouee et la Revue indigene notamment. Pour ce qui est de Jean Price Mars que l'on peut considerer comme un eveilleur des intellectuels de la deuxieme et de la troisieme generation, il fut l'auteur de deux livres majeurs: La vocation des elites et Ainsi parla l'oncle. La premiere generation fut cependant meconnue de l'opinion publique et elle etait mal vue des gouvernements d'Haiti. La seconde generation eut une certaine influence aupres des masses. C'est ainsi que plusieurs milliers de gens repondirent a l'appel de Georges Sylvain lors de la visite de la commission americaine McCormick. Mais ce fut la troisieme generation qui impressionna le plus. Ses mots d'ordre de greve furent suivis dans tout le pays. Ce travail se fonde essentiellement sur la documentation laissee par les ecrivains que l'on a etudies. Nous avons aussi utilise une serie de journaux et de revues de l'epoque, haitiens et americains, de meme que des documents officiels americains et enfin des travaux posterieurs a ces evenements. L'echec de la premiere generation de 1885 etait previsible, vu le niveau de la population et les mauvaises dispositions des gouvernements d'Haiti a son egard. L'echec de la deuxieme generation le fut moins, mais les autorites americaines n'etaient pas au rendez-vous. En un sens, la trosieme generation devait l'emporter puisque les Americains quitterent le pays en 1934, mais notre travail montrera que ce succes fut plus apparent que reel, et que le retrait des Etats-Unis correspond davantage aux preoccupations de la politique americaine elle-meme.

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This dissertation is a regional study of Mexico during the reform phase of the Mexican Revolution. It analyzes the relationship between governing authorities and civil society in the southeastern state of Tabasco during the lengthy tenure of revolutionary strongman Tomás Garrido Canabal (1922–1935). Using a variety of previously untapped sources, this dissertation evaluates popular reactions to the governing mechanisms and cultural radicalism of the garridistas. It assesses how revolutionary labor policies, educational initiatives, anticlerical campaigns, and other reform measures, were received by Tabasco's diverse population. Ultimately, it concludes that while the garridistas were able to amass something of a popular following, the ideological intolerance and institutional rigidity of the Garrido State undermined the democratizing promise of its reformist agenda. To a great extent, the governing rigidity of the garridistas can be explained by the repeated efforts of their political opponents to overthrow them. These “enemy” schemes, which had local, regional, and national dimensions, were more and less successful. That the Garrido regime successfully weathered attacks on its rule for better than twelve years was due to the popular mobilization of its most loyal constituencies and the intervention of federal authorities. At a broader level, then, this thesis reflects on the complex way in which power was mediated and maintained in revolutionary Mexico.

For one hundred years (1693–1790) Franciscan missionaries continuously attempted to convert a variety of lowland indigenous peoples of the Putumayo and Caquetá rivers of what is now the Amazonian area of Colombia and Ecuador. The missionaries were challenged by a number of obstacles including difficult travel; a paucity of personnel and material support; epidemic and tropical diseases; and most importantly, a diverse Indian population that responded to the missionaries in many ways—ranging from acceptance on certain levels to violent rejection and expulsion. But the Franciscans and Native Americans were not alone in the region; they shared this frontier with other Spaniards, mestizos and even black slaves creating a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural borderlands. This dissertation, in accordance with the aims and focus of the “New Latin American Mission History,” analyzes these missions from the perspective of the different Native American groups involved whenever possible. Seeing the mission frontier as an intercultural zone of interaction and accommodation, it seeks to illuminate the history of this peripheral area of the Spanish empire. By examining the use and importance of “trade” between the missionaries and different Indian groups, this study focuses on the ability of the Franciscans to insert themselves into a regional trade network that existed for centuries but which was modified significantly by the presence of Europeans in general and the mendicants in particular. Trading and warring alliances between Indian groups and Europeans produced a dynamic region in which the Franciscans had varying degrees of success negotiating. At times, such as 1721 and 1790, the friars were rejected by the majority of indigenous peoples who violently expelled them. For the first half of the eighteenth century the friars came from Quito, while their base of action moved to Popayán and the new College of Missions located there during the latter half of the century. The consequences of this relocation and the rivalries and controversies between the Franciscans in Popayán and Cali, peninsular Spanish Franciscans and creole missionaries, and even between Franciscans and Jesuits, and their effects on the missions are a secondary concern of this study.

One of the most recurrent and significant themes in Spanish American women's literature since its inception is food. In this dissertation I explored how food in Spanish American women's literature (since the second half of the sixteenth century to the twentieth century) is not only a theme, but also a metaphor and therefore an artistic type of language capable of transcending its basic biological and literal function. In this thesis project I intend to show the interconnections between food and writing in Hispanic American women's literature and how food imagery, eating rituals, and the kitchen as creative space have evolved in form and purpose from their beginning to the present regarding its discourses of power and self-affirmation. For this purpose I studied four key historical moments according to the point of view of Hispanic American women who used food imagery and discourse in their writings as a tool for self-affirmation. For the sixteenth century I examined the letter written by Isabel de Guevara to Princess Juana. The Hispanic American Baroque period during the seventeenth century is covered by Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz and Madre María de San José. For the Hispanic American period of independence during the nineteenth century I studied works by Juana Manuela Gorriti, Clorinda Matto de Turner, Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera, Teresa González de Fanning and Soledad Acosta de Samper. Finally for the twentieth century I covered works by Teresa de la Parra, Rosario Castellanos, Laura Esquivel, and Isabel Allende.

My thesis is an experimental project that explores the connection between aesthetics and meaning-formation. The inspiration for the project emerged out of my research into the work of a group of poets known as infrarrealistas, whose most famous member, Roberto Bolaño, has become one of the widely read writers of our times. In the recently published anthology titled Perros habitados por las voces del desierto (2014) Rubén Medina, a founding member of the group, explains the infrarrealistas' artistic motivation as an attempt to capture the multiple forces that shape the subject's identity (16); forces that operate beneath the complex symbolic systems of communication. These forces are responsible for shaping the subject's immediate experience, or being-alive-ness. Influenced by the group's motivations and recent conceptualizations within the field of affect theory, the following project is an exercise in using poetry as a way to re-conceptualize the experience of being alive. Discursive formulations are avoided in an attempt to create a text whose meaning derives from its affective connection with the reader, and not from the intricate economies of meaning that limit the affective scope of academic and scholarly language. As a result, the following thesis upon first glance looks like the work of a mad man. Poems, citations, excerpts from books, pages from my personal diary are bundled together in a way that challenges what is commonly understood as an academic thesis. However, its validity rests in the fact that it tries to engage with current work in the field of affect theory, experimenting with aesthetics and meaning-formation, and leaving aside the discursive formulations to engage with its reader at an affective, or visceral level. / In Spanish with title page, preliminaries, and abstract in English. / A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. / Spring Semester 2015. / April 22, 2015. / Affect, Infrarrealistas, Poetry / Includes bibliographical references. / Enrique Álvarez, Professor Directing Thesis; Juan Carlos Galeano, Committee Member; José Gomariz, Committee Member.

At the end of the nineteenth century, Spanish language and literary tradition were still a form of intellectual colonization for the inhabitants of the newly formed Hispanic American republics. This dissertation proposes a theoretical approach to examine the modernista movement. By examining discursive formations, a reflection about the emergence of a postcolonial subjectivity in premodernista and modernista texts becomes available. This dissertation develops a poststructural view of modernismo as a postcolonial movement. It argues that the construction of subjectivity in the textual world of the modernistas repositioned Spanish Americans with respect to Spanish cultural domination. Analysis shows the ways in which modernista texts appropriated and transformed Western hegemonic literary discourses through translation or rewriting, thus affecting language and discourse. The resulting texts created an original literary form of Spanish different from peninsular that critics recognize as crucial in the formation of a Spanish American literary voice. In this work I examine extensively one literary journal ("revista literaria"), Revista Gris (1892-96) from Bogotá, Colombia. I identify the emergence of aesthetic discourses and practices that appropriated European models and ideas in different ways for nationalist or cosmopolitan postcolonial agendas. Although many of these discourses and practices were still mostly romantic, an epistemological shift was taking place. The analysis of Gris is focused on three types of texts: theoretical and critical essays, original poetry, and translations. Briefly, I also look at the way in which some of the aesthetic discourses and translation strategies from Gris reappear in Revista Azul from Mexico City, Mexico (1894-96). This short overview of Azul examines only discursive formations in critical and theoretical texts and translations. Contrasting Azul and Gris situates Gris within a wider Spanish American context and provides insight into later consolidation of emerging discourses and practices observed in Gris. The analysis of revista material demonstrates that, within a postcolonial dynamic to decolonize cultural production, Spanish American literature at the end of the nineteenth century was in a constant tension between acceptance and resistance, and imitation and subversion of paradigms which resulted in a very peculiar form of cosmopolitan expression. Cosmopolitism was to become one of the idiosyncratic elements of Latin American identity.

The mita was a draft Indian labor system that Viceroy Francisco de Toledo developed in 1573 for the silver industry at Potos(')i (in colonial Upper Peru; current-day Bolivia). For a brief period the mita served, in combination with the introduction of amalgamation technology, stockpiles of previously unrefinable ore and a large capital investment by the mine and mill owners (azogueros) to cause a boom in production. By 1600, however, the stockpiles of ore had been exhausted and the boom had given way to decreasing levels of silver production at Potos(')i. The Indians who were serving in the mita (mitayos) had become more important to the industry, because they were now the principal means of obtaining ore, but their condition had deteriorated. As their own profits fell, the Indians began to flee from Potos(')i and from the provinces that were subject to the mita. Their migration, which was caused by tribute requirements and other labor obligations as well, disrupted the social, economic and political order that the Spanish were trying to impose upon the Indians. Their method of resisting the invaders was passive, but the Indians were neither conquered nor submissive victims of the mita. The group that was caught between the continuing demand for mitayos at Potos(')i and the decreasing number of Indians in the provinces was the caciques (Indian nobles). They were the key to the entire system, because they delivered the Indians to the mines and the mills. At first the caciques were able to meet their quotas by abridging the legal restrictions on the recruitment of the mitayos. But in the early seventeenth century they found themselves fined for the growing number of Indians that they were unable to deliver, and a new form of mita service was founded: service in silver, ostensibly to hire substitutes. By 1630, between one-third and one-half of the total delivery of mitayos to Potos(')i was made in money. The azogueros used some of the silver they received from the caciques for operating funds, rather than to hire laborers. The mita therefore became a capital subsidy as well as forced labor system. The Hapsburg government of colonial Peru opposed the new form of mita service because it was an unauthorized arrangement between the azogueros and the caciques to which it was not a party. The crown's ability to counter the de facto mita was restricted, however, by its isolation in Spain, by the time that was consumed by trans-Atlantic correspondence and by its own bureaucracy. The viceroys who were stationed in Lima were plagued by similar problems, and they depended upon the President of the Audiencia de Charcas and the Corregidor de Potos(')i to administer the mita on a daily basis. A constant interplay of personal and professional jealousies among these officials, the viceroy's reluctance to innovate and the contradictory orders that were issued from Lima and Madrid complicated the government's efforts to reform the mita to the point of near-total ineffectiveness. In 1670, the Viceroy Conde de Lemos determined that the system could not be purged of the azogueros' misuse of mita service in silver and the other abuses that stemmed from it, and he proposed that the system be abolished. The crown was reluctant to accept the loss of revenue that such an act would have entailed, and instead it ordered a total reformation of the mita. That program was executed during the 1680s, under the Viceroy Duque de la Palata. It too failed, because it was based on an untenable premise: that the Toledan mita could be re-established despite 110 years of economic, political and demographic change in Peru.

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