The aim of this bachelor´s thesis ist to analyze the idea progress in the party programs in the swedish Centre-party during the time 1910-1959. The progress in the party program is compared with the evolution of society during the same period.The bachelor´s aim is also to analyze how each new program is described in newspapers, two newspapers were chosen to make the comparison; Arbetet (a social-democratic newspaper), and Skånska Dagbladet (a centre-party newspaper). The result shows that the party in the beginning was conservative and against both capitalism and socialism. The start of the party was a reaction against the new electionsystem which was introduced in Sweden in 1909.The party took a clear standpoint for the Swedish farmers, but after 1933, they were standing for the whole countryside. In the 1940´s and the 1950´s the party became more like a social liberal party rather than an agrarian party only for the farmers. The party programs are not given much space in the two newspapers. in the 1933 they only give short stories about it, and in the 1959 Arbetet and Skånska Dagbladet mostly writes about the new partycommittee. In newspapers from 1919 it´s not written at all about the new party program. The reason is that the end of the WWI just was happening and was the greatest news at the time.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2000. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 214-231). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ67933.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2000. Graduate Programme in History. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 374-383). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ67901.

Friedrich Nietzsche witnessed the development of the modern state first-hand, and perceptively identified many of its major features. His analysis of modern politics was initially marked by a qualified sympathy, or at least thoughtful acquiescence. Nevertheless, in later writings Nietzsche became a virulent critic of the modern world, sketching out a radically anti-modern political counter-project. Nietzsche’s political thought is therefore relevant to both those who want to better understand the foundations and leading characteristics of modern politics, and to those who want to explore influential criticisms of it. At the same time, it presents a substantial interpretive dilemma, since it is not clear how these two poles of Nietzsche’s thought can be squared. Indeed, most readers have tended to approach them in isolation from one another, either focusing on the radical project of Nietzsche’s late writings, or looking to his “middle period” as a welcome-but-discrete alternative. In this dissertation I argue that these two poles of Nietzsche’s thought are more closely linked than most readers have realized. Drawing on the extensive autobiographical self-assessments that Nietzsche published during his last two productive years, I show that he shows that he helps readers to see how a critical dialogue between the more moderate and the more radical aspects of his thought can be established – and, moreover, that Nietzsche himself subtly engaged in just such a dialogue throughout his career. The result is a picture of Nietzsche’s thought that is more nuanced and self-conscious in both its criticism and its endorsement of modern politics than has been generally appreciated. Moreover, using Nietzsche’s autobiographical self-accounts to negotiate the tensions in his writings sheds light on the precise motivation lying behind his political ambitions, and thereby also helps to sketch out the lines of defense that are required against the sort of anti-modern politics that Nietzsche pioneered. / text

Liberal multiculturalism, at least in the lines of some of its advocates, is vulnerable to serious critiques. This paper lists all major critiques directed to liberal multiculturalism without necessarily agreeing with all. Yet, this is not a sufficient reason to drop it from the intellectual agenda. In contrast, it still stands as the most promising theory to solve the problems stemming from cultural diversity. The position taken in this report sees liberal multiculturalism insufficient in accommodating all the interests of all the parties involved (e.g., different minority groups, political positions, theoretical approaches). Yet, a flexible and contextual formulation of liberal multiculturalism is able to accommodate the broadest range of demands involved in the debate without any serious damage to the core liberal premises such as respecting freedom of choice and basic human rights. What is achieved with such a formulation is not an entirely consistent philosophical truth project, but a relatively flexible guide to solve public policy issues in the face of cultural diversity. / text

This thesis begins with the simple observation that the term ‘green consumption’ would have appeared, at the very least, oxymoronic to those concerned with environmental issues some thirty years ago. Yet now it is a commonplace aspect of popular, academic and policy discourse in the global north. In recognizing the diversity of products and services that fall under the rubric of ‘green consumption,’ this project situates it as a form of discursive positioning and a potential set of a practices that indicate a ‘friendly’ or benign association between consumption and the environment. The thesis has three components. Firstly, it reviews the literature on consumer culture and environmentalism, highlighting relevant thematic debates concerning the critique of consumer culture and its potential effects upon the environment. Secondly, the thesis constructs a post-Foucauldian ‘analytics of green consumption’ in order to understand such a radical shift in representations of consumption and environmental thinking. Thirdly, the thesis employs this analytics to examine two dominant ‘environmentalities’ or programmes of green consumption – Eco Labelling and the Ecological Footprint – wherein the advanced liberal rhetorics of ‘choice,’ ‘freedom’ and ‘responsibility’ are found to operate in different ways. Drawing upon the work of Rose (1999), Barry et al. (1996) and others, the thesis shows how these ‘informational’ techniques are predicated upon and reproduce specific conceptions of consumer behaviour, encouraging the formation of ‘green consumer-subjects.’ It is argued that the terrain of consumption has become the primary locus where political, social, economic and cultural elements overlap to shape the decisions of consumers. The field of consumption is being restructured around lifestyle choice-driven models of responsible subjectivity, with consumption becoming the key means for shaping the conduct of individual citizens. The thesis goes on to argue that such a market-based approach to engendering green consumption is problematic in terms of its conception of how consumer choice and freedom are constrained, raising difficult issues for policy efforts in this area. The thesis also points toward the limits of post-Foucauldian analyses of green consumption, especially the impossibility of knowing whether, and for what reasons, practices of green consumption are taken up by consumers. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-25 08:48:47.876

This is a study in the political ethics of liberalism. It uses political obligation theory to shed light on the neutrality-perfectionism debate. My thesis is that neutralism cannot provide a coherent foundation for liberal political morality because a viable account of general political obligation relies on background assumptions about persons and conduct that are reasonably contestable even though they are not illiberal. To make this case, Section I reviews the conceptual details of neutrality across two generations of thinking. Second-generation neutrality, under political liberalism, is the more plausible rendering because it acknowledges that liberalism must stake a middle-ground between non-moral instrumentalism and moral absolutism. Liberalism, in other words, needs a moral reason to be neutral. I question whether political liberalism remains sufficiently moral and sufficiently neutral by asking if it offers mutually sustaining legitimacy and obligation principles. Section II discusses perfectionist ethics and highlights a crucial kind of value, called inherent value, often invoked but rarely scrutinized in political theory. Inherent value marks the main ethical difference between liberal neutrality and illiberal perfectionism, showing how liberal-perfectionist positions on controversial matters can be taken without prescribing for the whole of life. Including this type of value, I then outline the precise neutralist and perfectionist conditions that liberals adopting either perspective would have to meet in justifying general political obligation. Section III then answers my main research question about whether political liberalism’s moral account of political obligation coheres with its neutralist position on legitimacy. My essential claim here is that our responsibility to comply with the moral and epistemological standards of civility is a position from inherent value. And since political liberalism cannot escape these inherent value assumptions while explaining and justifying its account of general political obligation, it is there that we can most clearly see political liberalism’s perfectionist leanings. My dissertation therefore shows a new way to understand that only liberal-perfectionist valuation can hang-together a coherent and viable liberalism for today’s pluralistic polities. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2011-10-30 21:13:30.823

Under what conditions did conservative governments of the major industrial countries commit themselves to building domestic institutional frameworks for embedded liberalism as an international economic subsystem? As a way of answering the question, this study looks into informal and formal institutional arrangements for domestic compromise among classes and sectors. During the 1950s, governments in the United States, Britain, France, and West Germany sought to accommodate working-class demands and achieve a stable domestic economy within the institutional limits set by the prior experiences dating back to the interwar years. At the informal level, organized labor and business community in each country interacted with each other to produce varying forms of labor-management conflict resolution mechanism. At the formal level, political parties became more centrist in the domestic economic policy areas in order to maximize votes in an era of catch-all party politics. National outcomes varied from the semi-privatized welfare state in the United States to the liberal Keynesian welfare state in Britain to the dirigiste interventionist state in France to the social market economy in West Germany. Although those nationally distinct institutional arrangements reduced international policy coordination, embedded liberalism could work as long as participating countries shared the social purpose that domestic stability and international liberalization should not be incompatible.

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Drawing on both post-colonial literature and critical gang studies research, this study situates the advent and growth of Indigenous street gangs in the context of settler colonialism, global economic restructuring, and the turn to a New Right political rationality. While the current street gang problem is rooted in structural barriers created in the past, the turn to a New Right rationality has meant that solutions must now be individually focused, economically efficient, and created within an “at risk” framework. Interviews with workers at inner-city organizations in Winnipeg determined that youth gang prevention programs are able to act as sites of resistance to the New Right rationality by redefining what it means for youth to be considered “at risk.” In addition, short-term, program-based funding results in the inefficient use of resources, reduces the ability to create long-term, positive changes, and often does not provide the resources to effect larger structural changes.