Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-26T11:34:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 denisealencardonisete.pdf: 746803 bytes, checksum: cdc60d42bc53b8b8a0dda91689e0399b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-12-15T12:28:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 denisealencardonisete.pdf: 746803 bytes, checksum: cdc60d42bc53b8b8a0dda91689e0399b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-15T12:28:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 denisealencardonisete.pdf: 746803 bytes, checksum: cdc60d42bc53b8b8a0dda91689e0399b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-19 / O presente estudo centra-se em elaborações teóricas que são elucidativas de que as mudanças ocorridas no processo de desenvolvimento do capitalismo, que culminaram com a defesa do ideário neoliberal, têm acarretado alterações substantivas no trato da questão social, uma vez que o Estado mínimo, vem se desobrigando da sua responsabilização com a garantia dos direitos sociais. Também estas argumentações visam explicitar o contexto brasileiro, especialmente a partir da Constituição de 1988, quando foi determinado que a Assistência Social é um dos direitos sociais, inserido na Seguridade Social. Assim, com as legislações específicas que tem como marco a Lei Orgânica da Assistência Social, em 1993, está instituído o aparato formal e legal, que inclui os conselhos deliberativos, nas três instâncias de governo. Buscou-se então, discutir sobre a participação e o controle social tomando-se como objeto analítico os conselhos de direitos das políticas sociais públicas, particularizando o Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social de Juiz de Fora, criado em 1996. Os resultados obtidos por meio de fontes documentais e entrevistas com 11 conselheiros, apontaram que o referido Conselho instituído com competência deliberativa de caráter permanente e continuado, representa um dos espaços de articulação entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, com possibilidades de contribuir para a construção da participação e do controle social, o que não o isenta de contradições. / The present study focuses on theoretical elaborations elucidating that the changes occurred in the process of development of the capitalism, which has culminated in the defense of the neoliberal idea, has also resulted in substantive modifications in the treatment of the social question, once that the minimum State has been dispensing itself from its responsibility of the social rights. These arguments also seek to clarify the Brazilian context, especially from the 1988 Constitution on, when it was established that the Social Assistance is one of the social rights, which is disposed in the Social Security. Thus, together with specific legislations which had the Organic Law on Social Assistance as a mark, in 1993, both the formal and legal apparatus are established, which include the deliberative councils, in the government’s three branches. Then, we sought to discuss about the participation and the social management, having the rights of the public social policies as an analytical object, particularizing the Local Council of Social Assistance of Juiz de Fora, which was established in 1996. The results obtained through documental sources and interviews with 11 counselors have indicated that the referred Council, which was constituted with permanent and extended deliberative competence, represents one of the spaces of articulation between the State and the civil society, and presents possibilities to contribute both to social control and participation building, which doesn’t exempt it from some contradictions.

MPM / Oliver Tambo Institute of Governance and Policy Studies

The main task of the master project is to design a nearly zero energy local council building with multipurpose hall in Syrovice cadastral area. It is a three-storey building with basement. In the basement there are technical facilities and garage. Ground floor includes conference room, multipurpose hall, kitchen, cloak room and toilets. First floor includes offices, archive, staff kitchen and toilets. The building’s vertical load-bearing structures are a combination of ceramic block masonry and reinforced concrete columns. Envelope walls are insulated with mineral wool and XPS. The floor slabs and the staircase are designed from cast-in-place reinforced concrete. The building has flat extensive green roofs with photovoltaics installation. The building is equipped with HVAC system with mechanical ventilation with heat-recovery, floor heating and cooling supplied by a ground-water heat pump. The building is also equipped with rainwater accumulation system supplying rainwater for the toilets and watering.

In this diploma thesis I wanted to find out how people who live in a close relationship with the river deal with the extremes like are floods and drought. I wondered if local settlers and the city administration identified the threat of flood differently from people who did not live in contact with the river, and if their relationship with the river could be useful for others. I tried to find out if and how the locals reflect climate change through their lived experiences with floods and droughts. During my six-month research, based on ethnographic methods I spent time with gardeners who have been critically affected by drought in recent years, with settlers who regularly experience floods and with representatives of the city administration. Thanks to ethnography, I was able to understand the context of the relationships I studied. I found out that living in contact with floods is not as dramatic as it may seem to an observer. Thanks to many years od experience with floods and the river have the locals developed local knowledge, that can be very useful for whole city; If the city administration can combine expert and local knowledge, solving potential problems with high water can become much more effective and proportionate to reality. People living under the threat of floods do not need to be seen...

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

This dissertation is a challenge to the Pentecostal churches, particularly, the Apostolic Faith Mission Church in Tumahole, to take an action in meeting the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS. This disease, HIV/AIDS, is the latest enemy to human life that the nations are faced with. In the newspapers like Sowetan, there is an article almost daily about HIV and AIDS. In this dissertation, I have tried to show shocking figures of how this disease is spreading in Africa. The seriousness of the disease, unlike other diseases, is its in curability. The secular organisations are far ahead of the churches in as far as the relevant programmes on combating HIV/AIDS are concerned. Despite these massive programmes, the disease is spreading like the wild fire. Deducing from this background, it is no longer the question of whether the Pentecostal churches have any role to play, but what specific role should the church play in this challenge. In this challenging times, many people look at the church as one of the most important institute that would play a positive role in bringing hope to the hopeless. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology (Urban Ministry))

This dissertation is a challenge to the Pentecostal churches, particularly, the Apostolic Faith Mission Church in Tumahole, to take an action in meeting the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS. This disease, HIV/AIDS, is the latest enemy to human life that the nations are faced with. In the newspapers like Sowetan, there is an article almost daily about HIV and AIDS. In this dissertation, I have tried to show shocking figures of how this disease is spreading in Africa. The seriousness of the disease, unlike other diseases, is its in curability. The secular organisations are far ahead of the churches in as far as the relevant programmes on combating HIV/AIDS are concerned. Despite these massive programmes, the disease is spreading like the wild fire. Deducing from this background, it is no longer the question of whether the Pentecostal churches have any role to play, but what specific role should the church play in this challenge. In this challenging times, many people look at the church as one of the most important institute that would play a positive role in bringing hope to the hopeless. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology (Urban Ministry))