This thesis focuses on specific business personality of the nineteenth century - Richard Dotzauer. It charts his work in the field of business, but so is devoted to his public activities in the federal and political life. As part of the work is monitored also the issue of entrepreneurial mentality and lifestyle. As part of this work is to form a wider excursion pointed to other significant business personality of study epoch. Richard Dotzauer represents a type of German businessmen. In the case of Andreas Haase terms of personality that goes nationally difficult to define. Jindřich Fügner is nationally representative of the Czech entrepreneurship. The work studies the personalities mentioned in the context of important processes of the nineteenth century, such as the industrialization, the formation of the national movement and the emergence of modern civil society. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-21T20:23:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaves Junior, Jose-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3028733 bytes, checksum: 97f65722bf1177a4ff6ecdad8c884908 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-21T20:23:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaves Junior, Jose-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3028733 bytes, checksum: 97f65722bf1177a4ff6ecdad8c884908 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Na segunda metade do século XVIII, os territórios das capitanias do Norte do Estado do Brasil estiveram, por determinação régia, anexados administrativamente ao governo da capitania de Pernambuco. No caso da Paraíba, a anexação perdurou ao longo de quarenta e quatro anos, entre 1756 e 1799, e institucionalizou redes sociais há muito estabelecidas entre segmentos das elites da Paraíba e seus congêneres da vizinha Pernambuco. Constituída capitania real ainda no final do século XVI, a Paraíba teve sua jurisdição política, administrativa e econômica subtraída sob a alegação da inexistência de meios financeiros para a manutenção de um governo autônomo. A privação da autonomia governativa produziu uma vastidão de contenciosos entre os governadores das duas capitanias, fosse pelo desrespeito ou indefinição dos limites jurisdicionais de cada um, fosse pelo não-reconhecimento de parte das elites da Paraíba da autoridade do capitão-mor desta capitania. As falas irritadas dos governadores da Paraíba, notadamente de Jerónimo José de Melo e Castro (1764-97), contrários à anexação, foram quase sempre tomadas pela historiografia paraibana, notavelmente aquela ligada ao Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP), como arautos de independência e bravura frente ao domínio da poderosa capitania vizinha. No entanto, uma releitura dos eventos que rodearam àquele tenso meio século repleto de intrigas entre os governadores da Paraíba e as elites locais, sempre dispostas a consorciar-se com os de Pernambuco, tem demonstrado o estabelecimento, sob a chancela da Coroa, de redes supracapitanias que interligavam tais espaços a partir dos negócios e da política, ensejadas numa cultura política de Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Portanto, esse estudo busca uma observação micro-analítica das consequências da anexação de 1756 a partir das dinâmicas das elites locais da Paraíba, inseridas no contexto do Império português, i.é., as relações que conformavam os vínculos com Pernambuco, precisamente com os negociantes da praça mercantil do Recife e com os governadores-generais, fazendo-as duelar contra aqueles que tentavam prejudicar os interesses em jogo. / In the second half of the eighteenth century, the territories of the captaincy of the State of North Brazil were, by royal determination, administratively attached to the government of the Captaincy of Pernambuco. In the case of Paraíba, the annexation lasted over forty-four years, between 1755 and 1799, and institutionalized long-established social networks of social and political elites of Paraíba and their counterparts from the neighboring, state of Pernambuco. Founded royal captaincy in the late sixteenth century, Paraíba had its political jurisdiction, administrative and economic subtracted on the grounds of lack of funds for the maintenance of an autonomous government. The deprivation of self-governing produced a breadth of litigation between the two governors of captaincy, it was the disrespect or blurring of the jurisdictional limits of each, was the recognition of elites of Paraíba the authority of the Captain General of captaincy. The angry speeches of the governors of Paraíba, notably Jerónimo José de Mello e Castro (1764-1797), against the annexation, were almost always taken by historiography, the remarkably connected to Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP), as harbingers of independence and bravery against the powerful field of neighboring captaincy. However, a reinterpretation of the events surrounding strained to that a half a century full of intrigues among the governors of Paraíba and local elites, always willing to consort with those of Pernambuco, has demonstrated the establishment, under the auspices of the Crown, networking supracapitanias interconnected such that spaces from business and politics, triggering a political culture in the Ancien Regime in the tropics. Therefore, this article seeks a micro-analytical observatio9n of the consequences of the annexation of 1755 from the dynamics of local elites within the context of Paraíba of the Portuguese Empire, this is relations that conform the bonds Pernambuco, precisely with the businessman of Recife and with the governors generals, making the battle against those who brought harm the interests at stake.

Este artículo describe y analiza los procesos de cambio en la políticadel distrito de San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) asociados con lallegada del canon minero —fracción del impuesto a renta pagadopor Antamina— que incrementó súbita y espectacularmente las arcasmunicipales de modo que San Marcos es hoy uno de los distritos másricos del Perú. El texto analiza estos cambios prestando atención alas elecciones municipales de 2006 y a la implementación del PlanPiloto de Mantenimiento de la Infraestructura Pública, que consisteen un programa de empleo temporal. Este último es clave para unanovedosa alianza entre el municipio y los sectores rurales, en particularel llamado Cono Sur, tradicionalmente ausente como actorpolítico importante en el distrito. La política distrital ha dejado deestar dominada por la pugna entre las dos facciones de familias exhacendadas para articularse en una oposición entre los caseríosrurales y el pueblo de San Marcos. La política local ha pasado degirar en torno a Antamina hacia acusaciones, debates y pugnasalrededor de la administración municipal del canon minero. No obstante,las comunidades campesinas que tienen una relación directa con Antamina continúan siendo actores políticos independientes delmunicipio y tienen un peso importante en el distrito. / This paper describes and analyses the changes in local politicstaken place in the district of San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) associatedwith the arrival of the Canon Minero – a fraction of taxes paid byAntamina mining company to the Peruvian State. Canon Minero hasincreased sudden and spectacularly the municipality’s funds so muchthat currently San Marcos in «ones of the Peruvian richest districts».The paper pays attention to the municipal elections of 2006 and theimplementation of the Plan Piloto de Mantenimiento de la InfraestructuraPública, a program of temporary work for all San Marcos’citizens. The latter was key for launching a novel alliance betweenthe municipality and the rural population, particularly with the ConoSur composed by hamlets which were traditionally unimportantactors in district politics. Hence, district politics had stopped to bedominated by the struggle between two factions of former landlordfamilies and had become articulated by the opposition between therural hamlets and the town of San Marcos with the emergence ofethnic political claims. Also, local politics ceased to revolve aroundAntamina and has become entangled with struggles over the administrationof Canon Minero. Rural communities which have directnegotiations with Antamina remain important political actors whichare independent from the municipality and are even oppose to it.

The goal of this master thesis is to capture the life of a postal clerk, later a municipal councilor and councilor Marie Komárková. I am focusing on involvement of women in public affairs at the beginning of a new republic. Due to the remarks she made during the meeting of municipal council and the city council of Poděbrady, we can observe the background of formation of self- government during the first years of the newly founded republic. The transformation of local elites, the tasks of local self-government or the involvement of women in public life, these are the topics of which Marie Komárková gives subjective testimony in her writings. A specific feature of this case is also the Poděbrady town environment, which gradually became a spa town in the given period. In addition, this work describes a transformation and functioning of local self-government during the first years of the Czechoslovak Republic through personal memories and notes of one particular person. There are also other topics Marie Komárková's character has to offer, such as girls' education or post office work at the end of the 19th century. The source base is made up not only of the memories and remarks of the former Poděbrady councilor, her husband and son, but also of correspondence, contemporary press or various sources of...