published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

This study examined the perceptions of teachers on the picket line and in the classroom during the 1978 Tucson Unified School District teacher strike and the perceptions and relationships they experienced. Literature from sociology, psychology and education was reviewed to develop the theoretical framework. It is recognized in the literature that theory has utility in designing, shaping and organizing research, giving meaning to data and summarizing and interpreting the findings. The theoretical framework was comprised of two sections: the perceptual and the relational. In the perceptual, self-adequacy, self-concept and threat-anxiety were included. In the relational, communication, shared interests and reference groups were included. An interview schedule of twenty-one items based on the theoretical framework was developed and administered to forty selected school district teachers. The twenty-one questions were derived from the two major sections and the six subsections of the theoretical framework. Some demographic data were also collected. Strikers and non-strikers agreed more than they disagreed. There was general agreement among both strikers and non-strikers that human relationships were handled so ineptly by the superintendent and school board that the teachers perceived themselves to be demeaned and held unworthy.

The purpose of this study was to examine the apparent contrast between community expectations concerning Slavic immigrants in the anthracite region of northeastern Pennsylvania in the late nineteenth century and the actual behavior of the immigrants. While established groups in the anthracite fields, and American society at large, expected that the immigrants would threatenwage scales in the anthracite industry, primary evidence indicates that the Slavs did not do so. However, the community expectations proved to be so strong that almost all accounts of the immigration of Slavic labor assert that the many union failures, and the traditionally depressed wages in the anthracite region, were the result of the eastern European influx.The contrast between the community expectations and the actual behavior of the Slavic immigrants is illustrated in the presentation of three case studies. The first is a study of the content of a Scranton, Pennsylvania newspaper, the Scranton Republican, which concentrates on latent and overt anti-immigrant biases in editorial and reportorial copy. This study also reviews the content of the publications of contemporary observers and scholars which are shown to contain anti-Slavic biases as well. A second study examines the emergence of the Polish National Catholic Church, which demonstrates the ability of the immigrants to manipulate complex American insititutions such as the court system, and to create for themselves a complicated formal structure to meet their spiritual needs. This was done in the face of vigorous opposition by the Roman Catholic Diocese of Scranton. Lastly, this thesis contains a study of the organization .of the United Mine Workers union in the anthracite region, which shows that it was the Slavic immigrant workers who made the unionization of the anthracite industry possible, after fifty years of failure by the established American, Welsh, and Irish miners.This contrast between historical fact and social perception is explained by using the hypothesis proposed by social psychologist Erving Goffman, and modified by sociologists Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. That thesis asserts that social reality is based on perceptions of events, rather than the events themselves. Since those perceptions are based on social expectations, it can be said that, in the case of the Slavic anthracite workers the negative expectations of American society concerning the eastern Europeans produced negative conclusions concerning their behavior, despite much evidence to the contrary. Those negative conclusions remained in the literature of the anthracite industry until the publication of a study by historian Victor Greene, The Slavic Community on Strike, in 1968, which finally revised the record concerning the Slavic mine workers.While the conclusions reached in this study remain tentative, pending comparative studies in other geographic locations and industries would seem to support the position that intergroup friction is sometimes the result of faulty perceptions on the part of a dominant group rather than any real threat posed by a minority. The possibility that prejudice has primarily cultural rather than economic roots may offer an alternative to the present emphasis on economic opportunity in the efforts to eradicate discrimination within American society.

From 1868 to 1978, the Dupuis Freres department store serviced the French Montreal community from its headquarters on St. Catherine Street, east of Saint Laurent. This thesis looks at the management strategies of Dupuis Freres through its employee newspaper, Le Duprex, from 1926 to 1946, and then at their collapse with the Dupuis Freres strike in 1952. The Dupuis Freres management retained the loyalty of its employees by using a combination of paternalism and welfare capitalism. The company supported a union, organized leisure activities, provided sales incentives and rewarded loyalty financially and socially. In addition, the store integrated its French Canadian and Catholic identity with its employees' understanding of their work to impart cultural meaning to their employment. Dupuis Freres equated support for the company with the success of the French Canadian people, and its connections with the Catholic clergy added a sacred element to its enterprise. Dupuis Freres strike in 1952 divided French Canadians along class lines, and those who supported the workers were seen by neo-nationalists as doing so at the expense of French Canadian survival.

Inaug.-Diss.--Cologne, 1971? / Vita. Bibliography: p. iv-x.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wollongong, 2000. / Typescript. This thesis also explores the work of three filmmakers, Norma Disher, Keith Gow and Jock Levy. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1941. / Published also without thesis note. Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-227) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1999. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 338-350).

Orientador: Roger Miarka / Banca: César Donizetti Pereira Leite / Banca: Sônia Maria Clareto / Resumo: A formação de docente de matemática é o foco de diversas pesquisas na Educação Matemática. Há mapeamentos de possibilidades de formações nestas pesquisas, cada qual com uma proposta de investigação sobre o movimento que desencadeia o ato de ser docente de matemática. Esta investigação também aborda o tema formação docente, contudo, com um enfoque na formação política do(a) docente de matemática e em alguns momentos no questionamento das políticas de formação. Ao longo da formação, escolhas políticas são feitas a todo momento, seja, por exemplo, ao escolher as disciplinas e grade curricular na universidade; na prática docente, ao escolher os materiais didáticos; enquanto trabalhador, ao ser confrontado com medidas macropolíticas e, para não restringir, formar é um movimento constante de leituras, vivências, iniciativas de mudanças, militância.... Portanto, dissociar as ações políticas da formação docente aparenta ser perigoso e um tanto quanto nocivo para esta área, ainda mais em tempos de Escola sem partido. Sendo assim, torna-se interessante haver uma investigação da potência que a formação política traz a docentes de matemática e, consequentemente, à Educação Matemática. Nesse rastro, esta pesquisa se debruça em torno da pergunta: "Que pode a formação política para/(d) o professor de matemática?" Para abrir a visão de um horizonte de possibilidades dessa pergunta, buscamos trabalhar com algumas marcas presentes na formação do autor deste trabalho em sua formação como profes... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The education of mathematics teacher is the focus of several researches in Mathematics Education. There are mappings of training possibilities in these res earches, each one of them with a research proposal on the movement that triggers the act of being a mathematics teacher. This research also addresses the subject teacher education, however, with a slight syntactic difference - political formation of the ma th teacher. Throughout the formation political choices are made at all times, for example, in the university when choosing the disci plines ; in teaching practice when choosing courseware ; as a worker when confronted by macropolitical measures and, in order not to restrict, to form is a constant movement of readings, experiences, initiatives of changes, militancy, etc. Therefore, dissociating political actions from teacher education seems to be dangerous and somewhat harmful to this area, especially in "Escol a Sem Partido" times . Thus, it becomes interesting to have an investigation of the power that the political formation allows to the teacher of mathematics and, consequently, to Mathematical Education. In this trail, this research looks at the question "Wha t can the political formation for/(of) the mathematics teacher?" In order to open the vision of a horizon of possibilities of this question, we seek to work with some marks present in the formation of t he author of this research in his education as a teach er of mathematics, especially those produced by the s... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

GOMES, Francisco Alexandre. Um fio da meada: Experiência e luta dos trabalhadores têxteis em Fortaleza (1987 - 1991). 2012. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-09T15:01:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FAGOMES.pdf: 5779705 bytes, checksum: 8ab9f9002b727510502bc5313dd993bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-09T15:14:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FAGOMES.pdf: 5779705 bytes, checksum: 8ab9f9002b727510502bc5313dd993bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-09T15:14:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FAGOMES.pdf: 5779705 bytes, checksum: 8ab9f9002b727510502bc5313dd993bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The aspect of this investigation has your focus in experience and fight of textile workers in Fortaleza, with emphasis on workers factory Finobrasa, between the years 1987 and 1991. The main goal is identify the nature of conflicts between workers and company, moreover, understand the context, circumstances and the developments of specific struggles, as the right to unionize and the end of work on Sundays; collective actions of open resistance, as example of the strike on may of 1988 and accession the general strike on 1991. The Construction of history those workers happened from many sources, including narratives of workers of the Finobrasa and unionists, newspapers, informative from employers organizations, documents of Finobrasa, documents of Textile Workers Union of Fortaleza and processes of the judiciary labor. The main inspirations of the study were founds in social work history, as also in both the studies of historians of metier, besides of anthropologists, sociologists and economists. The analysis were centered at the juncture of the policies of industrialization, that subsidized with public funds the manufacturing enterprises in Ceará, when the textile factory in Ceará had a strong growth. In this proclaimed phase of the most productive and competitive in Brazil, of the point of the view of capital, the study examines the conditions of life and work: workers lose their hearing, tuberculosis was “common disease”, and machines “swallowed” employees and the mutilated body worker. When claiming rights, they were fired or they stayed marked in “black lists”, and criminalized your forms of organization. They went to fight. To guarantee and expand the social and political rights; of construction of a trade union movement of base, with strong reference class and more accustomed to collective actions, the textile workers of Fortaleza built strikes, they were justice, they negotiated directly with employers, they closed streets in manifestation; they spun and wove struggle for better conditions of life and work. “The thread of the argument” is soaked of sensibilities, achievements, failures, struggles, outrage, anger, dream and hope, is the organization of this work. / O fio da meada desta investigação tem seu foco na experiência e luta dos trabalhadores têxteis em Fortaleza, com ênfase nos operários da fábrica Finobrasa, entre os anos 1987 e 1991. O objetivo principal consiste em identificar a natureza dos conflitos entre os trabalhadores e a Companhia, bem como, compreender o contexto, as circunstâncias e os desdobramentos das lutas especificas, como o direito à sindicalização e o fim do trabalho aos domingos; e de ações coletivas de resistência aberta, a exemplo da greve de maio de 1988 e a adesão à greve geral de 1991. A construção da história destes trabalhadores se deu a partir de um leque variado de fontes, dentre elas: narrativas de trabalhadores da Finobrasa e sindicalistas, jornais, informativos de organismos patronais; documentos da Finobrasa, documentos do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Têxteis de Fortaleza e processos do judiciário trabalhista. O estudo encontra na história social do trabalho sua principal inspiração, tanto os estudos de historiadores de oficio, bem como os de antropólogos, sociólogos e economistas. A análise, é centrada na conjuntura das políticas de industrialização, que subsidiavam com fundos públicos os empreendimentos fabris no Ceará, quando a indústria têxtil cearense teve um crescimento acentuado. Nesta proclamada fase das mais produtivas e competitivas do Brasil, do ponto de vista do capital, o estudo examina as condições de vida e trabalho: trabalhadores perdem a audição, a tuberculose era „moléstia comum‟, as máquinas “engoliam” trabalhadores e mutilavam o corpo operário. Quando reivindicavam direitos, eram demitidos ou ficavam marcados em “listas negras” e criminalizadas suas formas de organização. Foram à luta. Pela garantia e ampliação dos direitos sociais e políticos; de construção de um movimento sindical de base, com forte referencial de classe e mais afeito às ações coletivas, os trabalhadores têxteis de Fortaleza construíram greves, foram à Justiça, negociaram diretamente com os patrões, fecharam ruas em manifestação; fiaram e teceram lutas por melhores condições de vida e trabalho. “Um fio da meada” encharcado de sensibilidades, conquistas, revezes, lutas, indignação, revolta, sonho e esperança é a tessitura deste trabalho.