One of the consequences arising out of the increasing use of automation in industry has been considered to be the effect of this on the trade union's ability to stage a successful strike. In this study, the null hypothesis is tested to determine whether there is a relationship between the level of automation in industry and the propensity to strike in certain industry groups in the United States. Data from two periods is analyzed; Period 1 between 1951 and 1959, and Period 2 between 1960 and 1965. The measurement of the level of automation in industry is made on the assumption that the level of automation is equivalent to the level of application of process control employing electronic computers in these industries. The measurement of propensity to strike is determined by comparing the ranking of the man-days idle due to work stoppages with the ranking of the annual average production worker employment levels among the industries. Secondary data has been adapted for use in the test of the null hypothesis. The data has been extracted mainly from the trade journal, Control Engineering, published by the McGraw-Hill Book Company, and from Analysis of Work Stoppages and the Employment and Earnings Statistics for the United States, published by the United States, Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. The results indicated that at the level of significance, a = .05, the test on the null hypothesis indicated that there is no relationship between the level of automation in industry and the propensity to strike for Period 1. For Period 2, the test indicated that there is a relationship between the two variables, under the same level of significance. Further analysis of the results for Period 2 indicated that industries that have achieved or maintained a high or low level of automation are associated with high propensity to strike. The high propensity to strike in high level of automation industries tend to be caused by a small number of strikes of long duration on the average. On the other hand, industries that have maintained a low level of automation have been associated with high propensity to strike in general as a result of a large number of strikes of short duration on the average. A model has been developed to explain the relationship between the two variables. It is concluded that the results of the study, due to the short time spans of the periods studied, may only indicate the short-run or transitory trend. It is possible that these results will be dissimilar to those derived from a long-run study, when equilibrium has set in. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

This dissertation studies the effects of changes in labour legislation on strike activity in British Columbia during 1945-75. It develops two theories of strike activity and uses regression analysis where dummary variables model the effects of changes in labour legislation on strike activity. The two theories suggested economic determinants of strike activity which were used in the regression analysis. One theory, a strike-as-an-investment theory of bargaining under uncertainty, is applied to first agreement strikes and to contract renewal strikes. The other theory, a "pressure-valve theory" which envisages strikes as means for releasing pent-up frustrations, is applied to strikes during the term. Both theories build upon the theories that preceded them but modify their predecessors. For instance, each theory yields an economic determinant of strike activity that was not derived explicitly from the theories that preceded it. Methodologically, this research project departs in at least four ways from the research project it most closely resembles: the 1969 study by Ashenfelter and Johnson of the labour law-strike relationship in the United States. First, strike activity is classified by contract status: first agreement, contract renewal and during the term. Second, a different set of economic determinants is applied to strikes during the term, as opposed to strikes that issue from interest disputes. That is, the two theories suggest different sets of economic determinants. Third, contract expiry data were gathered and used to construct incidence measures of strike activity, such as the ratio of contract renewal strikes to expiries. (Incidence measures are empirical estimates of the probability that strikes will take place.) Fourth, not just one, but two hypotheses are tested concerning the effects of changes in labour legislation on strike activity. One hypothesis, the conventional hypothesis, tests whether or not the level of strike activity changes while the new statute is in force. The other hypothesis tests whether or not one- or two-year changes in the level of strike activity accompany statutory change. In addition, actual profit data were gathered and used as an indicator of firms' "ability to pay" and/or their ability to withstand strikes. It is inferred from the regression results that changes in labour legislation had some effect on strike activity. However, statistically significant effects were not obtained for the theoretically most appealing strike measures-incidence measures. There is some evidence that recent labour acts of British Columbia were associated with a relative decline in the number of strikes—particularly of strikes during the term and contract renewal strikes. These statutes were less interventionist, less adjudicative and, in practice, less punitive than former acts of British Columbia. Subjective assessments indicate, in particular, that there need not be a causal relationship between changes in labour legislation and the perceived decline in wildcat strikes. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Kelly’s mobilization theory does not provide for the role of any cost/risk analysis as part of the process of deciding to embark upon collective action. On the other hand the theories advanced by the like of McAdam, Wiltfang and Simmons considering the incorporation of a cost/benefit analyses as part of the decision to embark upon collective action, do not have regard to the development of a sense of injustice. This study harmonizes the two approaches in seeking to answer the question why employees engage in unprotected strikes considering the significant risk involved. In doing so the study identifies the kind of triggers that would induce such a sense of injustice to trigger participation in unprotected strikes, whilst also investigating whether participants in unprotected strikes actually moderate their conduct to decrease the risks of such participation. This study considered all 98 reported judgements of the Labour Court and the Labour Appeal Court that were reported by LexisNexis. The methodology used in this study was content analysis of a quantitative nature. Descriptive statistics were used to identify patterns, relationships and trends. The analysis of the reported judgements shows that procedural disputes involving single issues at single employers, arising from time-sensitive unilateral changes to workplace practices, are likely to trigger unprotected strikes. The study further demonstrated that employees participating in unprotected strikes and their trade unions actually moderate their conduct to decrease the risk of dismissal. A close relationship between the profound sense of injustice that triggers unprotected strikes and the decisions to moderate the risks were established. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lmgibs2015 / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / Unrestricted

Orientador: Liliana Rolfsen Petrilli Segnini / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T21:18:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_AparecidaNeride_M.pdf: 23190913 bytes, checksum: fc40b770f5508c5fc1a74124a1181adf (MD5) Previous issue date: 1993 / Resumo: A partir do estudo de uma escola pública estadual de ensino médio, em São Paulo, objetivou-se compreender as representações que os professores constroem acerca de seu próprio trabalho, como o vivenciam e produzem experiências significativas. Ao privilegiar as concepções de cotidiano e experiência como elementos explicativos na análise do trabalho docente, verificou-se que este não é portador, apenas, de uma única dimensão: força de trabalho, mas também da dimensão política. Analisaram-se dois movimentos que são parte de uma mesma trama - a conquista da escola e a participação nas lutas sindicais expressas nas greves que tecem as representações desses professores acerca de seu próprio trabalho. Tais movimentos politizaram o espaço escolar e construíram uma nova sociabilidade / Mestrado / Ciencias Sociais Aplicadas à Educação / Mestre em Educação

Strike waves in the late nineteenth century United States caused widespread property destruction, but strike leaders did not suggest threats to employer property as a comprehensive strategy until the I.W.W. adopted a deliberate program of sabotage. Contrary to historical consensus, sabotage was an intellectually coherent and politically generative response to progressive, technocratic dreams of frictionless social cooperation that would have major consequences for the labor movement. This dissertation treats sabotage as a significant contribution to the intellectual debates that were generated by labor conflict and rapid industrialization and examines its role in shaping federal labor policy. It contends that the suppression of sabotage staked out the limits of acceptable speech and the American political imagination.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management of the University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Master of Laws in Labour Law, 2018 / The right to strike is entrenched in the Constitutions of both South Africa (the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996,) and Zimbabwe (The Constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe Act 20 of 2013 as amended). There has been some significant labour law reforms in Southern Africa particularly in Zimbabwe where the right to strike was constitutionally provided for in 2013. Despite the entrenchment of the right to strike in the Constitutions of South Africa and Zimbabwe, there are limitations to this right to strike. It is submitted that workers have rights to strike within the limits of the law but the reality on the ground gives a different picture. While this thesis subscribes to the right of workers to strike, it also argues that the rights of other parties are as important as the rights of the striking workers. In South Africa there is an entrenched culture of violence within industrial action in this constitutional dispensation era.1 In Zimbabwe strike action is severely restricted through various mechanisms like the Public order and Security Act (POSA) 2007.2 An application letter must be sent to the police so that they can grant clearance for the strike. The only notable strikes that were allowed with minimal police intervention was the National Railways of Zimbabwe strike where workers had not been paid their salaries for 15 months3 and that of the Grain Marketing Board where workers had not been paid for more than 24 months.4 There are significant similarities and disparities on how the Labour Relations Act South Africa and the Labour Act Zimbabwe regulate strike actions. It is also apparent that there are inadequacies in the two Acts and that will require some legislative reforms to remedy incidents of unprotected or unlawful strike action. / XL2019

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This study focused on a 1978 teacher strike in the Verde Unified School District, Verde, Arizona, and was designed to investigate the impact the strike had on these teachers' attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors. These factors were examined in terms of: perceptions of the strike issues and causes; influences by significant others to strike or not to strike; personal relationships with significant others prior to, during, and after the strike; viewpoints or perceptions of the strike; personal attitudes concerning professionalism and what it meant to be a professional; and experienced feelings of stress. A questionnaire was developed and administered to forty junior high school teachers to investigate their attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors concerning the strike. The theoretical framework developed for this study, drawn from the literature of perceptual psychology, was used to examine and discuss the data regarding the teachers' attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors. The theoretical framework consisted of the following five categories: The Development and Maintenance of an Adequate Self, The Perceptual Field as a Determinant of Behavior, The Concept of Resistance to Attacks on the Self, The Concept of Economic Welfare as Related to Politics and Human Dignity and the Concept of Self-Maintenance of an Organization or System. Teacher respondents reported the following perceptions regarding the strike and their participation in it: (1)Issues and Causes of the Strike: The most significant perceived issue of the strike, as reported by the junior high school teacher respondents, was "The loss of the established negotiating policy" and a "Challenge to personal dignity." The respondents felt that the strike resulted because of "The way the Board and the District's central administration handled the issues." (2)Influences by Others to Strike or Not to Strike: The respondents reported that they were significantly influenced to strike or not to strike by the teachers' association and by teachers in their respective schools. The respondents indicated that they communicated with teachers in other schools when they were unable to talk to fellow teachers in their own schools. (3)Personal Relationships with Significant Others Prior to, During, and After the Strike: Personal relationships figured as a significant influence in each teacher's decision to strike or not to strike. At the building level, principals were perceived by the respondents as administrative representatives and as such were viewed as threatening and lacking empathy. The striking teacher respondents reported that a special feeling of camaraderie developed among the strikers on the picket lines. The strikers, furthermore, reported supportive relationships existing between themselves, the parents, and the students. (4)Viewpoints or Perceptions of the Strike: From the striking respondents' point of view, the strike was perceived as a phenomenon which they had hoped would never occur. From the non-strikers' point of view, though, the strike was perceived as a battle between two major forces, the National Education Association and the National School Board Association. (5)Personal Attitudes Concerning Professionalism and What it Meant to be a Professional: Professionalism, the teacher respondents reported, meant being involved with and having input into such issues as curriculum development, classroom management, class size, and discipline procedures. The respondents indicated that they had been denied the opportunity to participate in these matters. (6)Experiences of Stress: Stress played a significant role in the strike process from beginning to end. The data indicated many stressful and agonizing moments spent reaching the decision to strike or not to strike. Strained personal relationships developed and appeared to have evoked much stress. For non-strikers especially, the entire stike process was reported to have been stressful.

Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 1999. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 115 p. : ill., map. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115).