This study builds upon the notion of a Wobbly 'sensibility' established by Salvatore Salemo and relates it to John Townsend's analysis of conflict between that group's adherents and western Progressives. The latter scholar, by concentrating on middle-class economic anxiety, failed to deal with the virtual unanimity of opposition to the IWW in western towns. Salerno's assertion that a 'sensibility' within the IWW was more binding than ideology raises the possibility that individuals and organizations of varying beliefs could be similarly united within a single cultural sphere with a directed purpose. Such an analysis can apply to factions of Progressivism and radical labor alike. The first chapter begins with a brief account of the historical context, origins, and organizational history of the IWW. This second section discusses the internal dynamic of the IWW, particularly the relationship between the leadership and rank-and-file. The third section briefly explicates the purpose of the thesis. The second chapter recounts important episodes of IWW activity that occurred on the West Coast concurrently with the strike in order to set the regional context of the conflict. The third chapter begins with a section discussing the development of Progressivism and urbanization in a national context and emphasizes cultural conflict. The second section is a brief survey of Progressive era Portland, Oregon. The third and fourth sections discuss the cultural repercussions of women entering industrial life on a mass scale. The chapter concludes with a brief demographic survey of cannery women. The fourth chapter is a chronological narrative of the strike, and is followed by a concluding fifth chapter of analysis. The first section suggests a Progressive 'sensibility' arrayed specifically against radical labor, while the next section discusses a radical 'sensibility' hostile to varying aspects of the cultural norms of Progressivism. The final section asserts the importance of analysis of cultural values, above even notions of class, in addition to economic analysis in order to obtain a more useful synthesis of Wobbly conflict than now exists.

No description available.

by Stella Ng Yuk-kuen, So Lai-wah. / Bibliography: leaves 95-98 / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1985

by Fung Siu Yin. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [3-8] (2nd gp.)). / Abstract / Acknowledgements / Contents / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Theoretical Framework Beyond Resource Mobilization --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Three --- "The Cathay Strike： Background, Grievances and Confrontation" --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter Four --- A Diagnosis of Cathay Pacific Corporate Culture and the Formation of Identity and Solidarity --- p.73 / Chapter Chapter Five --- The Corporate Culture and the Micromobilization Process --- p.86 / Chapter Chapter Six --- The Identity of Team Culture Culture of Solidarity: Camaraderie Culture --- p.110 / Chapter Chapter Seven --- Conclusion Bringing Culture back in Collective Action --- p.128 / Appendix / Bibliography

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo principal compreender como a identidade do professor é discursivizada em comentários online produzidos no perfil institucional da APP-Sindicato PR na rede social Facebook durante o período da Greve dos Professores, ocorrida no primeiro semestre de 2015. Como a identidade docente tem sido constantemente questionada, contestada, depreciada e reformulada tanto por discursos depreciativos quanto por políticas públicas, que precarizam a carreira docente, faz-se relevante o desenvolvimento de estudos acerca dos discursos que emergem em período de crise para compreender as novas maneiras de “olhar” o professor. Para isso, compõem a base teórico-metodológica dessa dissertação estudos a respeito da identidade (HALL, 2006; GEE, 2000) e da identidade docente (FREIRE, 1967; NÓVOA, 1991, 2009; KLEIMAN, 2006; TARDIF, 2012; GERALDI, 2010); pesquisas relacionadas a ambientes online de interação e sites de redes sociais (RECUERO, 2009, 2014; BARTON e LEE, 2015) e conceitos fundantes como: discurso, enunciado, alteridade e dialogismo, ancorados nos estudos do Círculo de Bakhtin (BAKHTIN, 1997[1979], 2006[1929],2015 [1929], 1987[1965], 2015[1975] 2010 [1986]; VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013[1926], 2013[1930]). Os dados gerados para a análise constituem-se de enunciados produzidos no primeiro semestre de 2015, período em que a greve dos professores e funcionários públicos da educação pública do estado do Paraná estava acontecendo. Esse evento propiciou um ambiente de arena discursiva, em que o confronto de vozes e ideologias gerou, nos espaços midiáticos, uma grande produção de enunciados que tematizavam a identidade docente. Assim, compõem o conjunto de dados gerados para este trabalho um total de 180 enunciados do gênero comentário online, selecionados do perfil oficial do Facebook da APP-Sindicato, instituição sindical que organizou e promoveu o movimento de greve. Dentre as regularidades discursivas acerca da identidade docente, destacaram-se discursos depreciativos, a saber: a identidade do professor “mal formado”; o professor “massa de manobra” da esquerda política; a docência como um dom; a (in)competência da escola pública. Além das diferentes formas de discursivizar a identidade do professor, foi possível observar que, nos espaços de escritas online, os sujeitos tendem a utilizar um tom mais agressivo ao produzir e reenunciar discursos depreciativos acerca da identidade docente, ignorando a responsabilidade do ser e agir. Em outros termos, produzem um discurso que não leva em conta o não álibi do ser. Por fim, além dos comentários que depreciam a docência e a educação pública de modo geral, foram salientes enunciados que apontam para a discursividade de uma nova identidade docente, a do professor que luta pelos seus direitos e ensina o agir democrático por meio de atos de cidadania. / The present research aims to comprehend how teacher's identity is represented by discursive interactions in online comments produced in the APP-Sindicato's Facebook profile, in the period of Teachers Strike that occurred in the first semester of 2015. With the teacher's identity being constantly questioned, contested, depreciated and reformulated both by depreciative discourses and public policies that weakens the teacher's career, it becomes important to study the discourses that emerges within this crises period to comprehend the new ways to "look" the teacher's identity. For this porpouse, the theoretical and methodological approach is composed by studies about identity (HALL, 2006; GEE, 2000) and teacher's identity (FREIRE, 1967; NÓVOA, 1991, 2009; KLEIMAN, 2006; TARDIF, 2012; GERALDI, 2010); researches about online interaction environments and social networks websites (RECUERO, 2009, 2014; BARTON e LEE, 2015) and founding concepts as: discourse, alterity, dialogism and enunciation as seen in the Bakhtin's Circle studies (BAKHTIN, 1997[1979], 2006[1929],2015 [1929], 1987[1965], 2015[1975] 2010 [1986]; VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013[1926], 2013[1930]). The research data were produced at the first semester of 2015, period when the Teachers Strike of State of Paraná took place, which provides a discoursive arena where the voices and ideologies confrontation are produced, in the media spaces, a large amount of enunciations that approaches the teacher's identity as the main theme. Thereby, this research data set are composed by an amount of 180 online comments, selected from the APP-Sindicato Facebook profile, syndical institution which organized the strike movement. Within the discursive regularities observed in the comments, we highlighted: the "poorly academic educated" teacher; the teacher as a "maneuver mass" for the left-wing political parties; the teaching as a "gift"; the (in)competence of public school. Besides the different ways of represent teacher's identity in discourse, it was possible to observe that in the online interaction environments, the subjects tend to use an aggressive tone when produces and reenounce depreciative discourses about teacher's identity, ignoring their responsability of being and acting, in other terms, producing discourses that does not consider the non-alibi of being. Lastly, besides the comments that depreciate the teaching and the public school in general, we highlighted comments pointing to a new discourse about the teachers identity, the identity of a teacher who fights for its rights and teaches the democratic acting through their acts.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo principal compreender como a identidade do professor é discursivizada em comentários online produzidos no perfil institucional da APP-Sindicato PR na rede social Facebook durante o período da Greve dos Professores, ocorrida no primeiro semestre de 2015. Como a identidade docente tem sido constantemente questionada, contestada, depreciada e reformulada tanto por discursos depreciativos quanto por políticas públicas, que precarizam a carreira docente, faz-se relevante o desenvolvimento de estudos acerca dos discursos que emergem em período de crise para compreender as novas maneiras de “olhar” o professor. Para isso, compõem a base teórico-metodológica dessa dissertação estudos a respeito da identidade (HALL, 2006; GEE, 2000) e da identidade docente (FREIRE, 1967; NÓVOA, 1991, 2009; KLEIMAN, 2006; TARDIF, 2012; GERALDI, 2010); pesquisas relacionadas a ambientes online de interação e sites de redes sociais (RECUERO, 2009, 2014; BARTON e LEE, 2015) e conceitos fundantes como: discurso, enunciado, alteridade e dialogismo, ancorados nos estudos do Círculo de Bakhtin (BAKHTIN, 1997[1979], 2006[1929],2015 [1929], 1987[1965], 2015[1975] 2010 [1986]; VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013[1926], 2013[1930]). Os dados gerados para a análise constituem-se de enunciados produzidos no primeiro semestre de 2015, período em que a greve dos professores e funcionários públicos da educação pública do estado do Paraná estava acontecendo. Esse evento propiciou um ambiente de arena discursiva, em que o confronto de vozes e ideologias gerou, nos espaços midiáticos, uma grande produção de enunciados que tematizavam a identidade docente. Assim, compõem o conjunto de dados gerados para este trabalho um total de 180 enunciados do gênero comentário online, selecionados do perfil oficial do Facebook da APP-Sindicato, instituição sindical que organizou e promoveu o movimento de greve. Dentre as regularidades discursivas acerca da identidade docente, destacaram-se discursos depreciativos, a saber: a identidade do professor “mal formado”; o professor “massa de manobra” da esquerda política; a docência como um dom; a (in)competência da escola pública. Além das diferentes formas de discursivizar a identidade do professor, foi possível observar que, nos espaços de escritas online, os sujeitos tendem a utilizar um tom mais agressivo ao produzir e reenunciar discursos depreciativos acerca da identidade docente, ignorando a responsabilidade do ser e agir. Em outros termos, produzem um discurso que não leva em conta o não álibi do ser. Por fim, além dos comentários que depreciam a docência e a educação pública de modo geral, foram salientes enunciados que apontam para a discursividade de uma nova identidade docente, a do professor que luta pelos seus direitos e ensina o agir democrático por meio de atos de cidadania. / The present research aims to comprehend how teacher's identity is represented by discursive interactions in online comments produced in the APP-Sindicato's Facebook profile, in the period of Teachers Strike that occurred in the first semester of 2015. With the teacher's identity being constantly questioned, contested, depreciated and reformulated both by depreciative discourses and public policies that weakens the teacher's career, it becomes important to study the discourses that emerges within this crises period to comprehend the new ways to "look" the teacher's identity. For this porpouse, the theoretical and methodological approach is composed by studies about identity (HALL, 2006; GEE, 2000) and teacher's identity (FREIRE, 1967; NÓVOA, 1991, 2009; KLEIMAN, 2006; TARDIF, 2012; GERALDI, 2010); researches about online interaction environments and social networks websites (RECUERO, 2009, 2014; BARTON e LEE, 2015) and founding concepts as: discourse, alterity, dialogism and enunciation as seen in the Bakhtin's Circle studies (BAKHTIN, 1997[1979], 2006[1929],2015 [1929], 1987[1965], 2015[1975] 2010 [1986]; VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013[1926], 2013[1930]). The research data were produced at the first semester of 2015, period when the Teachers Strike of State of Paraná took place, which provides a discoursive arena where the voices and ideologies confrontation are produced, in the media spaces, a large amount of enunciations that approaches the teacher's identity as the main theme. Thereby, this research data set are composed by an amount of 180 online comments, selected from the APP-Sindicato Facebook profile, syndical institution which organized the strike movement. Within the discursive regularities observed in the comments, we highlighted: the "poorly academic educated" teacher; the teacher as a "maneuver mass" for the left-wing political parties; the teaching as a "gift"; the (in)competence of public school. Besides the different ways of represent teacher's identity in discourse, it was possible to observe that in the online interaction environments, the subjects tend to use an aggressive tone when produces and reenounce depreciative discourses about teacher's identity, ignoring their responsability of being and acting, in other terms, producing discourses that does not consider the non-alibi of being. Lastly, besides the comments that depreciate the teaching and the public school in general, we highlighted comments pointing to a new discourse about the teachers identity, the identity of a teacher who fights for its rights and teaches the democratic acting through their acts.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / Some digitised pages may appear cut off due to the condition of the original hard copy. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment explores the issues surrounding conflict resolution in the South African Public Service and the expression of organised conflict with reference to the 1999 Public service wage dispute and strikes. The public service being part of the generic framework of the public sector is, in terms of employment, South Africa's single, largest employer. National Departments and Provinces reflect almost 70% of the Public Sector. Employment in the public sector used to be considered relatively stable and secure. Public sector employees were thus not seen as requiring protection from retrenchment. Employees had no bargaining rights and functioned outside the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (No 24 of 1956). In 1994, the Government of National Unity realized the importance of the South African public service, the major role it had to play in the reconciliation, reconstruction and development process in South Africa and thus the need for administrative transformation. The Public Service Labour Relations Act 1994 was replaced by the new Labour Relations Act (No 66 of 1995) in 1995. This Act now covers both the private and the public sector workers. The new legislation was an important step towards the creation of a machinery for collective bargaining. The Act made provision for the establishment of a Public Service Coordinating Bargaining Council and provided a model for collective bargaining, based on effective negotiating structures. According to the International Labour Organization, mediation and conciliation procedures are still the most frequent methods for settling economic disputes in the public service. In South Africa, the new Labour Relations Act introduced the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration. Since 1994, several problems have beset most public service workers because of the transformation process and workers started showing increasing interest in unionisation, mostly for the protection and the fulfillment of their needs. Wages were the single most important factor causing labour action and in 1999, a total of 3,1 million man-days were lost due to labour action. According to Ms Geraldine Fraser- Moleketi, minister of the Public Service and Administration, government and the unions should share the process to design a more suitable and manageable system of remuneration policy to prevent disputes such as the 1999 wage dispute in the future. The negotiations on the 1999 wage dispute took place over a record of 140 days. Public service unions rejected government's wage offers several times until the minister unilaterally implemented government's final offer of an average of 6,3% increase. This sent a tremor through the alliance and prompted joint action by Cosatu and Fedusa affiliated unions. Unions were caught completely unaware and dropped their demands from a 10% increase to 7,3%. Public servants took industrial action again, but the government still did not make a new offer. Minister Trevor Manuel warned that the government could not afford further increases. By September, union leaders still had faith that president Thabo Mbeki would indicate that talks would be resumed, but doors for future negotiations did not open. Ms Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi maintained that the government had gone out of its way to ensure a settlement. At the time of writing, the dispute is still continuing. Note: As most of the information regarding the Public Service Wage strike was obtained from the press, all articles referred to are included as an appendix. To facilitate the reference to these articles, a specific form of reference, namely 'PC n', was used in the relevant sections, the prefix 'PC' denoting that a press cutting has been referred to and the subscription 'n' denoting the relevant page number of the article contained in the appendix. The sources of the press cuttings (PC) are contained in the list of sources. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk ondersoek die aangeleenthede rondom konflik hantering in die Suid-Afrikaanse Staatsdiens en die uitdrukking van georganiseerde konflik met verwysing na die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings. In terme van indiensneming is die staatsdiens in Suid-Afrika as deel van die publieke sektor die grootste enkel werkgewer. Nasionale Departemente en Provinsies reflekteer ongeveer 70% van die Publieke Sektor. Arbeid in die publieke sektor was voorheen redelik stabiel en verseker; dus was daar geen nut vir die beskerming van amptenare teen afdanking. Werkers het geen onderhandelingsregte gehad nie en het buite die raamwerk van die Arbeidswetgewing (No 24 of 1956) gefunksioneer. In 1994 het die nuwe regering van nasionale eenheid die belangrikheid van staatsamptenare en die rol wat hulle moet speel in die rekonstruksie en ontwikkelingsproses in Suid-Afrika besef en dus ook die behoefte vir transformering van die diens ingesien. Die Staatsdiens Arbeidswetgewing van 1994 is vervang deur die nuwe Arbeidswetgewing (No 66 van 1995) in 1995, wat beide staatsamptenare sowel as die privaatsektor insluit. Dit was ook 'n belangrike stap in die bevordering van kollektiewe bedinging. Die wet het voorsiening gemaak vir die vestiging van die Staatsdiens Koordinerings Bedingings Raad en 'n model vir kollektiewe bedinging, gebasseer op effektiewe onderhandelingsstrukture. Volgens die Internasionale Arbeidsorganisasie is mediasie en konsiliasie prosesse steeds die mees algemene metodes vir die hantering van ekonomiese dispute in die staatsdiens. In Suid-Afrika het die nuwe Arbeids Wetgewing voorsiening gemaak vir die instelling van die Kommissie vir Konsiliasie, Mediasie en Arbitrasie. Sedert 1994 het verskeie probleme vir staatsamptenare ontstaan as gevolg van die transformasie proses en amptenare het meer en meer belangstelling getoon in unie lidmaatskap om hulle belange te beskerm. Salarisse is dié belangrikste enkel faktor wat arbeidsonrus veroorsaak. In 1999 het daar 'n totaal van 3,1 miljoen werksdae verlore gegaan as gevolg van stakings. Die 1999 salaris dispuut en onderhandelings het oor 'n tydperk van 'n rekord getal, naamlik 140 dae, geduur. Unies wat staatsamptenare verteenwoordig het op verskeie geleenthede aanbiedinge van die regering van die hand gewys, totdat die minister 'n eenparige besluit geneem het om die finale aanbod van 6,3% salarisaanpassing in te stel. Dit het 'n skudding in die alliansies veroorsaak en het tot die gesamentlike aksie van Cosatu en Fedusa geaffillieerde unies gelei. Die unies is onkant betrap en het hul versoek van 'n 10% verhoging na 7,3% verminder. Staatsamptenare het weereens oorgegaan tot arbeidsaksie; terwyl die regering by hul finale aanbod gebly het. Minister Trevor Manuel het gewaarsku dat die regering nie meer kon bekostig nie. Teen September was vakbondleiers nog steeds hoopvol dat president Thabo Mbeki 'n aanduiding sou gee om met onderhandelings voort te gaan, maar die deure vir onderhandelings was gesluit. Minister Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi het volgehou dat die regering uit hul pad gegaan het om 'n ooreenkoms te bereik. Ten tye van skrywe was die geskil nog nie opgelos nie. Nota: As gevolg van die feit dat die meeste inligting aangaande die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings uit die pers verkry is, word die artikels waarna verwys word, ingesluit as 'n bylae. Om die verwysing na hierdie artikels te vergemaklik, is 'n spesifieke formaat van verwysing gebruik, naamlik 'PC n'. In hierdie verwysing verwys die voorskrif 'PC' na 'n media artikel. Die letter 'n' verwys na die relevante bladsy nommer wat aan die artikel toegeken is. Die bronne van die persartikels verskyn in die bronnelys.

Most writing about "Red Clydeside" has come from writers overtly sympathetic to revolutionary ideals - whether the Clydesiders themselves or later academic admirers. It is hoped that a wider use of outside sources will help to provide a more detached view.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:26:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Guimaraes.pdf: 408463 bytes, checksum: 94326497aeff0b9b9cc27b58c7cde3f5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-29 / The present work is aimed at the study of the principle of continuity of public services and of themes related to it. In order to permit the delimitation of the work s range of application, several aspects that characterize public service were given special focus, bearing in mind that this type of service consists of the activity developed by the State in the exercise of the administrative function. Once the concept of public service had been delimited, we sought to point out the norms pertaining to the principle of continuity, as well as to understand their content. Next, a few mechanisms that ensure the enforcement of the principle of continuity were identified, mechanisms such as those that might be linked to administrative contracts, to the properties used in rendering the public service, or to the exercise of the public function. Greater emphasis was placed on the legal hypotheses that allow for the interruption of the public service. In the legal system, the following situations imposing or authorizing such an interruption were identified: when an emergency is declared; technical or safety reasons regarding the workplace; in case of default on the part of the user, taking into consideration the interests of the community; when workers that render a public service go on strike. Currently, the most controversial hypotheses in the doctrine and in the jurisprudence are the interruptions brought about by user default or by labor strikes. Our dealing with the theme regarding the interruption of public services due to user default was meant to check whether or not such an interruption is in violation of the principle of continuity. Also thoroughly examined, were the situations that demanded maintenance of the public service even in case of default, with the interests of the community in mind. Concerning the interruption of public services due to labor strikes, it was observed that the matter requires specific regulations, mainly in what regards the discipline of strikes by civil servants. In the present scenario, while the matter is not yet regulated by law, the Judiciary has been playing a relevant role by ensuring the exercise of the right to strike and, at the same time, faced with the hard fact, by laying down rules to minimize loss on the part of users. Lastly, two procedural instruments were presented the individual mandatory injunction and the public civil action requiring the State to render, or to guarantee the rendering of the public services in a continuous way / O presente trabalho destina-se ao estudo do princípio da continuidade dos serviços públicos e de temas a ele relacionados. Para permitir a delimitação do âmbito de aplicação do trabalho, foram destacados vários aspectos que caracterizam um serviço público, ressaltando-se que este consiste em atividade desenvolvida pelo Estado no exercício de função administrativa. Delimitado o conceito de serviço público, procurou-se apontar as normas que contemplam o princípio da continuidade, bem como compreender o seu conteúdo. Em seguida, foram identificados alguns mecanismos que asseguram a efetivação do princípio da continuidade dos serviços públicos, mecanismos estes que podem estar atrelados aos contratos administrativos, aos bens utilizados na prestação do serviço público, ou ainda ao exercício da função pública. Maior ênfase foi destinada às hipóteses legais que admitem a interrupção do serviço público. Foram identificadas no ordenamento jurídico as seguintes situações que impõem ou autorizam a sua interrupção: em caso de emergência; quando houver razões de ordem técnica ou de segurança das instalações; na hipótese de inadimplemento do usuário, considerado o interesse da coletividade; e a deflagração de greve dos trabalhadores que prestam serviços públicos. Atualmente as hipóteses mais controvertidas na doutrina e na jurisprudência são as interrupções ocasionadas pelo inadimplemento do usuário e pelos movimentos grevistas. A abordagem do tema relativo à interrupção dos serviços públicos em razão da inadimplência do usuário teve por objetivo verificar se tal interrupção viola ou não o princípio da continuidade. Além disso, foram perquiridas as situações que impõem a manutenção do serviço público mesmo diante do inadimplemento, tendo em vista o interesse da coletividade. Com relação à interrupção dos serviços públicos em razão de movimentos grevistas, verificou-se que a matéria necessita de regulamentação específica, principalmente no que se refere à disciplina da greve de servidores públicos civis. No cenário atual, enquanto a matéria não é regulamentada por lei, o Poder Judiciário vem desempenhando papel relevante, assegurando o exercício do direito de greve e, ao mesmo tempo, diante do caso concreto, estipulando regras para minimizar os prejuízos dos usuários. Por fim, foram apresentados dois instrumentos processuais, o mandado de segurança individual e a ação civil pública, utilizados para impor ao Estado o cumprimento do dever de prestar ou garantir a prestação dos serviços públicos de forma contínua

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-27T10:21:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marco Antonio Gonsales de Oliveira.pdf: 2445874 bytes, checksum: 1d8e431f6ba251a3d5e32a7039dcdd12 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T10:21:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marco Antonio Gonsales de Oliveira.pdf: 2445874 bytes, checksum: 1d8e431f6ba251a3d5e32a7039dcdd12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-16 / The objective of this thesis was to study the subjective relationships between workers and Embraer, a company aligned to post-Fordist management concepts. Through an ethnography along the lines of a case study extended for one year, I attended the spaces of conflict between capital and labor, I went to meetings at the Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos, heard workers in the union as well as outside, I followed the demonstrations before and during the strikers movement, and talked and watched the workers in the productive and management sectors of Embraer. Through previous study of authors such as Antonio Gramsci (1978, 1984, 2004, 2008) and Michael Burawoy (2012, 2014), in addition to the main authors of critical theory in organizational studies, sociology, and interaction with working class, an interesting fact came to light: the subjective intentions proposed by post-Fordist companies are not as effective as many studies believe. There is no effectiveness of subjective intent over insecure working relationships. Much of the working class – an interesting fraction, explicitly the more insecure – are skeptical of the subjective proposals of companies, “We have a lot to lose, but what we have is still a lot” (Embraer worker celebrating the end of a strike). Workers are immersed in bourgeois hegemony articulated by through organic bourgeois intellectuals, subjectified by bourgeois values and social standards, but which do not show in their daily lives, in their discourse, and in their behavior the proposal of subjectivity that the company promotes. The insecure worker is more concerned with the objective ties of labor relations and less concerned with the emotional promises and bargains promoted by the company – after all, the goal is to be and remain employed. Even when consenting, many understand the situation of oppression and injustice that the reality of their work imposes. There is consent but little commitment, hence the fragility of the post-Fordist model of development, where the threshold between consenting and resisting is tenuous. On the other hand, in the studied conflict spaces, it is explained that, in an unprecedented way, there is a movement of “organized counterresistance” in search of consent and commitment: an organized trade union resistance movement. Leaders, managers, engineers, and technicians organized and confronted the union movement during the 2014 strikes at Embraer. Under the context of work insecurity, workers with “higher salaries”, who are also under threat, tended to adhere strongly to the subjective proposals of the company. When subaltern classes entered into conflict, those who earn “more pay” – the richer bourgeoisie – differentiate and distance themselves from the working class masses, being assimilated to hegemonic class values more easily, resisting and also struggling: they feared becoming a proletarian or a poor worker / O objetivo desta tese foi estudar as relações subjetivas entre os trabalhadores e a Embraer, uma empresa alinhada aos conceitos pós-fordistas de gestão. Para tanto, através dos conceitos da etnografia nos moldes de um estudo de caso ampliado, por um ano frequentei os espaços de conflito entre capital e trabalho, participei de reuniões no Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos, ouvi os trabalhadores no sindicato e fora dele, frequentei a entrada da Embraer, acompanhei as mobilizações antes e durante os movimentos paredistas (greves e assembleias), conversei com os trabalhadores tanto do setor produtivo quanto da gestão da Embraer e observei-os. Por meio de estudo prévio realizado sobre as produções de autores como Antonio Gramsci (1978, 1984, 2004, 2008) e Michael Burawoy (2012, 2014), além dos principais autores da teoria crítica em estudos organizacionais, da sociologia e da interação com a classe trabalhadora, veio à tona uma interessante constatação: os intentos subjetivos propostos pelas empresas pós-fordistas não são tão efetivos como muitos estudos apontam. Não há efetividade dos intentos subjetivos sob relações precárias de trabalho. Boa parte da classe trabalhadora, uma interessante fração, explicitamente a mais precarizada, é cética no tocante às propostas subjetivas das empresas. “Não temos muito o que perder, mas o que temos ainda é muito” (trabalhadora da Embraer ao comemorar o fim de uma greve). São trabalhadores imersos na hegemonia articulada pelos intelectuais orgânicos burgueses, subjetivados pelos valores e padrões sociais burgueses, mas que não demonstram em seu cotidiano, em suas falas e em seus comportamentos a proposta de subjetividade que a empresa promove. O trabalhador precariado preocupa-se mais com os laços objetivos das relações de trabalho e menos com as promessas e pechinchas emocionais promovidas pela empresa: seu objetivo é estar e manter-se empregado. Mesmo consentindo, muitos compreendem a situação de opressão e injustiça que a realidade do seu trabalho lhes impõe. Há consentimento, mas pouco comprometimento, daí a fragilidade do modelo de desenvolvimento pós-fordista, em que o limiar entre o consentir e resistir é tênue. Por outro lado, curiosamente nos espaços de conflitos estudados, explicitou-se, de uma forma inédita, um movimento de “contrarresistência organizada” em busca de consentimento e de comprometimento: um movimento organizado de contenção à resistência sindical. Líderes, gestores, engenheiros e técnicos se organizaram e confrontaram o sindicato durante os movimentos paredistas de 2014 na Embraer. Sob o contexto da precarização do trabalho, os trabalhadores com “mais salário”, também sob ameaça, tendem a aderir com veemência às propostas subjetivas da empresa. Quando as classes ditas subalternas entram em conflito, aqueles que auferem “mais salário” – a burguesia assalariada – diferenciam-se e distanciam-se da massa da classe trabalhadora mais pobre, assimilando com maior facilidade os valores da classe hegemônica e, por estes, resistem e também lutam: é o medo de se tornar um proletário ou um trabalhador precário