Bibliography: pages 275-286. / Focussing primarily on black teacher groups, this dissertation will describe the remarkable events within teacher politics in the Western Cape in the 1980s, following from the Soweto uprising of 1976. The decade of the eighties marked massive changes in the political and educational context within which teachers worked. After 1976, schools became the focus of opposition to the apartheid state. The atmosphere within schools changed as many students rejected the schooling proffered them by the state, and the "professional" implementation of state schooling by teachers. The liberation movement grew as the decade progressed, bolstered by a militant black trade union movement. The liberation struggle expanded and community-based protest drew schools into a broader, societal opposition to the state. The nature of schooling changed, as students and other elements of the liberation movement rejected apartheid education, and began fostering alternative education. Most notably, People's Education articulated both a rejection of state education and a desire for relevant, democratic schooling.

“Mining Interruption” tackles the question of how to make sense of disaster by exploring the Soma mine disaster. On May 13, 2014, an explosion in the Eynez underground lignite coal mine caused a fire that blocked the exit, sealing in 301 mineworkers who died of carbon monoxide poisoning in the town of Soma, in the city of Manisa, in Aegean Turkey. While the European Union was becoming relatively greener next door, coal extraction had begun to increase in Turkey after the Justice and Development Party [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi] came to power in early 2000s. The relative decline of coal in the Global North paved the way for increased amounts of internal coal extraction and consumption in the energy geographies of the Global South and other non-Western countries as well as of Indigenous lands. The shift created biopolitically, socially, and technologically renewed forms of exploitation of labor, bodies, and nature, which contextualize the Soma mine disaster. Based on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 68 open-ended interviews conducted in the Soma Coal Basin, this dissertation presents one constellation of the disaster by exploring four figures—The Accidented, the Bride, the Deserving, and the Striker—both as effects and as ongoing temporalities of the disaster. It contributes to critical disaster studies by defining and studying disaster not as a category of event, but as a concept through which multiple temporalities, lived experiences, and knowledges hang together. This loose definition of disaster is complemented by a reinterpretation of Walter Benjamin’s take on one of Bertolt Brecht’s most important dramaturgical techniques: interruption. In the dissertation, interruption is re-conceptualized as an experiential (hence temporal) concept that captures out-of-the-ordinary moments or flashes that interrupt everyday life in a way that permits a reevaluation of historical-material conditions. Interruptions are openings through which people may or may not follow an accidental course of action in order to overcome, better deal with, or politically respond to their conditions. The multiplicity of interruptions that are integral to the ongoing Soma mine disaster intersect with labor, fossil fuel production and its toxic effects, disability/debility, gendered oppression, disaster management, and social assistance. Some of these interruptions are experienced as rupturing events while others are perceived below the threshold of the event as such—as noneventful or not-so-eventful sensibilities, intensities and material changes. Each figure in question is a constellation in itself, a web of interdependencies, ruptures and materialities formed among human beings, state actors, coal, land, tobacco and other plants, limbs, organs, and names. In “The Accidented,” by examining mineworkers’ experiences and the terminology of becoming accidented (a direct translation of the term kazalanmak [in infinitive form]) through work accidents, the dissertation presents a critique both of existing disability assessment techniques and processes, and of understandings of disability as identity, which peripheralize labor-related and other experiences of (dis)ability and debility. In “The Bride,” by surveying the pervasive rumors about the widows of the 301 mineworkers, and their naming by the townspeople as “the brides,” the dissertation studies the differential treatment of the families of the 301 and the rest of the mining community through the state’s twofold disaster management strategy, and the ways in which people deal with this treatment through gossip, resentment, and kinship ties. In so doing, the dissertation also explores how affinal kinship relations have been transformed in the region due to the rise of coal mining, which coincides with the heightened neoliberalization of agriculture. In “The Deserving,” by investigating the materiality and movement of the lignite coal that is known as “Soma coal,” the dissertation articulates the ways in which the lives and desires of working-class and peasant communities have been reshaped through coercion, patronage, ideological interpellation, and the subjectivizing effects of Soma coal. It presents Soma coal as a pedagogical infrastructure that has emerged through the materiality of coal, and the regimes and networks of labor and welfare provision in contemporary Turkey. Finally, through the figure of “The Striker,” the dissertation examines the three-year long compensation struggle and protests of Soma and Ermenek mineworkers (2019–2021) as a set of emergency strikes that interrupted various processes, technologies, social networks, and modes of life that are formally and/or really subsumed within capital. The concept of “emergency strike” is used in order to encapsulate a form of strike that emerges with whatever means available in a given context, and as a collective act of seizing perceived last chances. This discussion builds on a recent wave of theorization concerning forms of unconventional strike that aim to disarticulate mechanisms and processes of real subsumption and/or state sovereignty. The dissertation shows how mineworkers organized against the backdrop of the Soma mine disaster. In doing so, it demonstrates how mineworkers re-exceptionalized their living and working conditions under a state of exception that has become the rule in Turkey since the 2016 coup attempt while it had already become the rule in the Soma Basin after May 13, 2014.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marina Vezzoni.pdf: 964017 bytes, checksum: 93d2da380103fe0e723a08f6a6885491 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-06-10 / ABSTRACT This study has as objective to analyze the interruption of the essential activities resulting from the celetista (labor contracts as per the CLT Labor Laws Consolidation) labor relationships, being the employer either the government or the free enterprise, specially regarding the civil liability of the co-participants in the negotiation process. The State, by the way, shall be the main active player and the focus on the examination of the civil liability in terms of activity risk perspectives, that is, objectively, regarding the commissive or ommissive behavior. In order to reach this conclusion, it shall be considered the juridical nature of the strike, mainly facing the considerations regarding the limitation of the coalition right, emphasizing, based on the Comparative Law, the obligation of keeping the minimum activities, and the consequent sanctions due to the losses resulting from the total interruption of the services, which is contrary to the rights of the community. This is justified, as the said services interruption becomes increasingly recurrent, because the Government, able to act also through the Judiciary, equipped with the normative system for that, is negligent, and the community, astonished, stays as the spectator of the conclusion of this negligence scenario. The focus of the research is dogmatic. The approach method used is systemic, together with an auxiliary comparative method and the indirect documentation technique, by means of bibliographic research. / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar a paralisação das atividades essenciais advindas das relações celetistas, seja o empregador o Poder Público ou particular, especialmente no que toca à responsabilidade civil dos co-participantes do processo negocial. O Estado, a propósito, será o principal sujeito ativo e foco do exame da responsabilidade civil na perspectiva do risco da atividade, ou seja, objetivamente a par da conduta comissiva ou omissiva. Para chegar a essa conclusão, deverá ser abordada a natureza jurídica da parede sobretudo para se fazer face às considerações acerca da limitação ao direito de coalizão, enfatizando, com fulcro no Direito Comparado, a obrigação da manutenção das atividades mínimas e consectárias sanções pelos prejuízos advindos da sustação total dos serviços ao arrepio dos direitos da comunidade. Justifica-se tal, na medida em que as paralisações de tais serviços, tornam-se cada mais recorrentes, sendo certo que o Poder público, podendo atuar inclusive através do Judiciário aparelhado pelo sistema normativo para tanto, mantém-se omisso e, a comunidade, atônita, fica como espectadora do desfecho deste quadro de negligências. O enfoque da pesquisa é o dogmático. O método de abordagem utilizado é o sistêmico, aliado ao método auxiliar comparativo e à técnica de documentação indireta, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica.

In the years following the end of the Second World War, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced a "golden age" of economic upturn. Due to the labor shortage in the aftermath of war and the division of Germany, West Germany initially looked to its eastern counterpart, the German Democratic Republic, to meet its labor needs in the immediate postwar years. Once East Germany tightened its border control, the Federal Republic of Germany extended bilateral agreements to Southern Mediterranean countries to meet the nation's labor needs. Italy was the first official nation to have a bilateral work agreement with West Germany in 1955, yet by the end of the labor program, the greatest population of "guest workers" in West Germany were Turkish nationals. The West German public initially heralded the arrival of guest workers as a boon, but by the program's end in November of 1973, the West German press reviled the Turkish migrant worker as they gradually moved out of isolated company employee barracks into single apartments, often with families or spouses joining them from Turkey. In spite of a lack of rights on West German soil, the year of 1973 was witness to a swell in migrant political activity, in the form of unsanctioned labor strikes. Utilizing two of these strikes, this thesis will compare the strategies, support, opposition, and success of the Ford Cologne (Ford Köln-Niehl) Factory strike and the Pierburg factory strike in Neuss. In both instances, the degree of support by ethnic German coworkers and factory management influenced the success of the strike. Additionally, this analysis will demonstrate that gender, in concert with nationality, negatively affected the results of the Ford Cologne Strike by way of public reception, while the negotiation of the Pierburg strike through a gendered lens aided woman migrant workers in the cooperation of factory management, the worker's council, union, and the West German public. Regardless of the strikes' outcomes, the significance of the labor strikes of 1973 is emblematic of both the lack of human rights afforded migrant workers in West Germany at the time and the persistent determination of blue-collar migrant workers to claim space for themselves and their families.

This study focused on a 1978 teacher strike in the Tucson Unified School District, Pima County, Arizona, and was designed to explore patterns of perceptions and behaviors reported by teachers concerning their involvement in the strike. Teacher perceptions and behaviors were examined in terms of: viewpoints concerning the issues and causes of the strike; attitudes toward the act of striking; choice to either strike or not to strike and the differeing factors which may have influenced the strike decison; feelings of stress occasioned before, during, and after the strike; post-strike relationships with significant others in the school system; and feelings regarding the outcomes of the strike. To implement the research study, a questionnaire was developed to explore teacher attitudes, viewpoints, and reported behaviors regarding various aspects of the strike. The questionnaire was distributed by the Tucson Education Association through the Tucson Unified School District mail distribution system to all 2,751 teachers of the school district. A total of 1,728 teachers participated in the study by completing and returning the questionnaire, which represents approximately 63 percent of the population. Data for the study were derived from the questionnaire responses. The demographic data and strike behavior data were crosstabulated and their significance reported in terms of chi-square statistics. The chi-square indicated a significant relationship between teacher strike behavior and the following demographic variables: teaching level, age, sex, teacher tenure, total years teaching, membership in a professional organization, and spouse being a teacher in the district. Data regarding teacher perceptions and behavior were analyzed and summarized on the basis of the perceptual framework constructed for this study, which was drawn from the literature in social and perceptual psychology. Briefly it included the following five categories: Empathy; Acceptance; Stress; Adequacy; and Perceptual Framework. The following perceptions were reported by teachers regarding: Issues and Causes of the Strike: The reported issues of the strike were salary, discipline, fringe benefits, class size, teacher professionalism, and dignity. The teachers reported that the factors generating the strike were not the issues themselves, but rather the way the issues were handled by the school board, superintendent, and central administration. Influences Upon Strike Behavior: The greatest influence reported by teachers regarding their strike decision was the teachers' association, followed by teachers in their own schools, family, teachers outside their schools, the media, and building principal, in that order. Strike Stresses: Ninety percent of all respondents reported experiencing stress during the strike. Stress was greater among elementary teachers, female teachers, and non-striking teachers. Post-Strike Relationships: Teachers reported more harmonious relationships with fellow teachers and students in their schools following the strike. Teachers reported less harmonious relationships with their supervisors. Strike Perceptions: Teachers reported that the strike produced a greater sense of personal dignity for teachers. The recommendations of the study included the following: A school system should develop and maintain a deep philosophical commitment to the worthiness and dignity of all persons. A continuous and effective communication process should be developed whereby school district administrator and teacher representatives can meet and interact in an atmosphere where every person is encouraged to express his viewpoints. Teachers and school district officials should have an adequate set of board-adopted policies providing orderly processes for dealing with disputes and difference between them. The policy that is adopted should result from the widest possible participation of all concerned groups throughout the community and the school district. The school district, including the school board, administrators, and teaching staff should carefully plan and effectively implement a program for continuous improvement of human relationships throughout the district.

No abstract available. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1943. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 230-234).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1943. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 230-234).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2006. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 246 p. : map. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-246).