The right to adequate housing is an unaccomplished human right, and unequal power relations between men and women are also perpetuated when trying to access decent housing even in the most prosperous global cities such as Barcelona. The aim of this research study has been to show how housing is represented and produced by the Barcelona City Council and which are the gendering effects and implications thereof. Through the analysis of the three most relevant political instruments in the field of housing, the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” method proposed by Carol Bacchi (1999) has allowed to ascertain different problem representations of the same phenomena within the Council, such as “lack of adequate housing” and “vulnerable women”, with important consequences, along with other policy gaps. In our opinion, while feminism is often produced as the engine for change, these inconsistencies prevent women liberating completely from their socially imposed roles and achieving real and effective gender equality.

Gender mainstreaming has become a widely discussed and applied tool, aimed to aid progress towards gender equality. The latter has been an important aspect of international development and humanitarian action, as is evident from the Sustainable Development Goals. In humanitarian aid, this tool has the purpose of making aid more effective and inclusive, by critically assessing how crises affect women, men, girls, and boys differently. Specifically, it enforces a needs-based approach to delivering aid. However, gender biases still guide perceptions of vulnerability, which is a key determinant in needs assessment. Specifically, women and children are perceived to be the most vulnerable in all cases, while men are either sidelined, perceived as necessary allies to gender equality at most or, in the worst case, as threats. Though women and girls do suffer most from systematic gender inequality due to various factors, gender-specific threats are not reserved for women and girls, alone. Men and boys face different types of threats that are unique to their gender. This paper will explore male-specific vulnerabilities by addressing conceptual and theoretical concerns, followed by a policy analysis. This analysis is based on policies of implementing organizations in Syria in 2017. The purpose of this analysis is to determine whether these humanitarian actors are aware of male-specific vulnerabilities, and whether they address them in their policies and programming. In doing so, obstacles to the successful inclusion of men in gender mainstreaming efforts will be identified.

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education (Educational Psychology) in the faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / This study aimed to explore parents’ perceptions on inclusive education in private South African schools with the focus on two inclusive practices: bridging classes and classroom facilitators. The sample for this study consisted of 10 parents from two private schools in the northern suburbs of Johannesburg. A semi-structured in-depth interview schedule was devised to examine parents’ perceptions on the support and inclusive practices offered within their schools. The results indicated that majority of parents found bridging classes to be more beneficial than classroom facilitators in assisting children experiencing barriers to learning. Furthermore, results demonstrated that the quality of teaching ultimately influences the success of inclusive education within the school. / XL2018

A Dissertation Presented to The Division of Specialized Education The University of the Witwatersrand In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Education (Educational Psychology) / The policy of mainstreaming and the provision for learners with Special Educational Needs (SEN) in the regular classroom is being promoted in many countries. The rationale for this study lies in the pivotal role of teacher educators In facilitating the success of mainstreaming. ( Abbreviation abstract ) / AC2017

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities School of Social Sciences, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Masters in Migration & Displacement. Johannesburg 2016 / Repatriation like any other form of migration is highly gendered. The objective of this research study is to analyze the gendered determinants of repatriation. I will explore various motivations for return and the general literature surrounding repatriation. My interest in the research was inspired by my experience working with Rwandan returnees where I encountered more female returnees than men. The other reason was the invocation of the cessation of Rwandan refugees on the 30th June 2013.The implication of the cessation meant to bring to closure to a close the refugee status of Rwandans who fled the country before 31st December 1998 and to find alternative status for those refugees still in need of international protection. An interesting observation is that despite this invocation by the end of 2013, the number of Rwandan refugees coming back did not increase as was expected. At the time of the interviews, the invocation of the cessation status of Rwandan refugees was a not an issue in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). However, a meeting held on the 2nd of October 2015 came up with new deadlines for the implementation on the cessation clause. This research follows a mini-research for my Honours degree that I conducted in 2014 with Rwandan refugees residing in Johannesburg. This work however differs from my previous pilot study in Johannesburg in two ways; in contrast to this research paper, my interviews in Johannesburg involved Rwandan refugees who had not taken the decision to return to Rwanda. Additionally, the refugee profile in South Africa comprised mostly political asylum-seekers while Rwandan refugees hosted in the DRC (my current research location) are mostly those who fled during the 1994 genocide. Voluntary repatriation is a contested issue. In various instances, refugees feel obliged to return either through active promotion of repatriation, reduction of aid in refugee camps or appalling conditions in countries of asylum. What is also evident is the politics between the countries of asylum and origin and the uncomfortable position the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) finds itself as it seeks to ensure the voluntary character of repatriation as is stipulated by the 1969 OAU convention. The gendered approach taken in migration studies reveals renegotiation of gender relations and roles as a result of displacement. Although the role of women changes considerably; social expectations puts more pressure on men to provide and as the limited livelihood opportunities during displacement curtails their primary role as breadwinners. Gender mainstreaming is one of the approaches employed by the, UNHCR to ensure that women are not only involved in all aspects of planning and development but also in issues of peace and security. The literature on repatriation, suggests that women and men consider different factors in their decision to return; men’s main concern is security while women dwell more on working structures like hospitals and schools for their children. During fieldwork, the household emerged as an important unit for repatriation decision making. The research employed a qualitative design. The tools for data collection included semi-structured in-depth questions for Rwandan refugee participants in Goma and key informants from the UNHCR and their government counterpart in the repatriation exercise the Commission Nationale pour les Réfugiés (CNR). In addition, I engaged in an extensive secondary data search through journals, books, the internet, newspapers and policy documents. Thematic analysis was utilized to analyze the collected data. Based on the findings, it was evident that Rwandan refugee men and women put into consideration different aspects in their decision to return to Rwandan. Men focused mostly on security issues both in the DRC and Rwanda while women considered working structures like schools, hospitals and the hope of reclaiming their spouses’ land for the sake of the children. On the decision to return, single women took the decision on their own while in the case of married couples, the men came up with the idea and discussed it with their wives and children. A cross cutting theme between the interviewed Rwandan refugee men and women was the important function of social networks as a pull factor for return. Social networking was especially important in obtaining information about the specific areas in Rwanda and also acted as assurance for temporary accommodation upon return and therefore reducing the cost of return migration. Based on the findings, access to information for both men and women was not mentioned as a major challenge owing to advances in technology (radios, internet, and mobile phones) and the presence of social networks. Keywords (Returnee, Cessation Clause, Repatriation, Reintegration, Decision-making process, Gender, Identity, Social networking) / MT2017

Thesis (M.Ed. (Educational Psychology))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Education, 1998. / This study investigated the attitudes of professional staff members at schools in Gauteng towards the implementation of mainstreaming/inclusion of Learners with Special Educational Needs (LSEN). Three hundred and sixty professional staff members from nineteen schools answered the Questionnaire on Special Educational Needs of Pupils, which was designed to assess the perceived competence and the attitudes of teachers the mainstreaming of LSEN. Nineteen urban schools in Johannesburg participated in this study; namely, five dual medium (English and Afrikaans) government remedial education schools, six government schools with an aid class, four private remedial education schools and four private regular education schools. [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]

ABSTRACT This study seeks to contribute to feminist analysis of whether the post-apartheid South African state represents a model of how the state can advance gender equality. The study analyses the institutional mechanisms that have been put in place by the South African government aimed at advancing gender equality. It focuses on the Office on the Status of Women (OSW) as the entity established within the government to steer the national gender programme. The role of the OSW is to coordinate the National Gender Machinery (NGM) as well as to define and develop a gender mainstreaming strategy for government. The study evaluates the assertion that South Africa serves as a model for advancing gender equality is justified, by exploring whether the country has overcome the problems associated with national gender machineries globally or whether it has reproduced them. It points to the fact that the location of the Office on the Status of Women in the Presidency is strategic as it is at the centre of government machinery. The study argues that the value of this has, however, been hampered by various factors. The OSW’s location in the Presidency has not provided it with the political leverage required to enforce gender equality. There are four indicators that show that this has not happened. First is the limited accountability measurer to enforce the fulfilment of existing commitments in government and between the NGM and civil society organisations. This has limited the OSW’s effectiveness. Secondly, the gender mainstreaming strategy is largely undefined. There is a lack of clarity about the roles of the NGM institutions, which tends to lead to duplication of roles as well as limited strategic reinforcement. The OSW has also been weakened by limited strategic relationship with civil society organisations. Thirdly, the OSW has had to operate on a limited budget. This has limited what it has been able to achieve. Lastly, the National Gender Policy Framework for Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality, the policy document developed under the auspices of the Office on the Status of Women, is a relatively weak policy framework for conceptualising women’s subordination, as well as articulating the overall goal of gender equality. It is further weakened by the fact that it not enforceable; thus government entities cannot be held accountable for not implementing it.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Education, 1999. / This study examines parental attitudes towards mainstreaming/inclusion in South Africa, which was recently adopted as part of the new educational dispensation. The sample included parents of children in four different school types in Johannesburg, and the survey was conducted by means of a questionnaire with multiple-choice and open-ended sections. The respondents totaled 255 out of a possible 400 (64%). Statistical analyses used included factor analysis, analysis of variance and independent group t-tests. The results indicated an overall neutral or negative attitude towards mainstreaming by parents, with parents of children in special and remedial schools being more negative. Parents felt that gifted children or those with mild to moderate learning disabilities were the most suitable candidates for mainstreaming, whilst children with severe mental retardation, sensory impairments, or behavioural disorders were the least suited. Parents were concerned that teachers would not be able to cope with the demands of the mainstream classroom because of inadequate training or time. They were also concerned that classes would be too large, that children of differing abilities would not be able to cope with the academic and social demands placed on them, and that general educational standards would drop. Only 20% of parents felt that mainstreaming would be successful, and most parents were not clear about what measures could help to implement this educational approach in South Africa. The implications of these results were discussed, with a view to future research and interventions to allay parental fears about mainstreaming/inclusion

This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree, Masters of Arts in Sociology in the Faculty of Humanities (School of Social Sciences) at the University of Witwatersrand, 2016 / During the apartheid era, black women were forced into the rural areas to live off the land, without opportunities and choices to allow them to build decent lives for themselves. After many decades of apartheid, South Africa finally became a democratic country in 1994. Following the establishment of democracy in 1994, the South African society experienced quite a number of changes on the economic, social, and political level. Amongst those changes was the rectification of the constitution which recognized all citizens (men and women, black and white) as equal. Numerous acts were put in place to promote equality in all spheres of life. However, to this day, poverty and inequality remain evident on many black women in the country. Microfinance is embraced by many development organizations, states and agencies around the world as the main and efficient form of women’s empowerment. South Africa is also one of the states which have joined the bandwagon, with its Department of Trade and Industry (dti) having various microfinance programmes aimed at empowering women. However, with all the programmes, there seems to be no changes in the situations of black women, especially rural poor women in the country as illustrated by statistics. This paper, therefore, attempts to find out the reason behind the low status of women in post-apartheid South Africa by reviewing critical literature on empowerment and microfinance as an empowerment strategy to understand their impact on women’s lives. The study also analyse the dti’s policy documents on empowerment as one of the state’s institutions which promotes women’s empowerment through microfinance. Furthermore, this study argues that the current women’s empowerment strategy (microfinance) is not for the benefit of poor black women, but for that of the institutions offering these programmes. This argument is supported by an analysis conducted on dti’s women’s empowerment strategic documents and programmes, which was used as a case study for this paper. This study suggests that changes in the designing and implementation of the policies are required. / GR2017

THESIS ABSTRACT In this thesis, I attempt to identify major obstacles that are challenging the implementation of international human rights treaties in Afghanistan. With a focus on the treaties that promote women’s rights and prevent violence against women in a post-conflict situation. There are several obstacles including lack of rule of law and the existence of customary practices in Afghanistan. Despite these challenges, there are national legislations and policies that promote women’s rights and empowerment in Afghanistan. However, for women’s empowerment, it is not sufficient to have supportive laws and policies, but there is need for a systematic transformation of patriarchal structures by conducting a thorough gender analysis and ensuring gender mainstreaming. The Afghan government, as part of its commitment to the international community, has to take measures for removing obstacles and ensuring the implementation of human rights treaties in order to pave the way for women’s empowerment in Afghanistan.